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06 December 2024 Photo Supplied
Dr Hoitsimolimo Mutlokwa
Dr Hoitsimolimo Mutlokwa is a postdoctoral researcher at the Centre for Labour Law in the Department of Mercantile Law, UFS.

Opinion article by Dr Hoitsimolimo Mutlokwa, Postdoctoral Researcher: Centre for Labour Law in the Department of Mercantile Law, University of the Free State.


There has been a spike in the number of children either getting sick or dying from eating snacks bought in spaza shops. It is known that consumption of fake food poses a danger to one’s health. Such foods contain toxic chemicals and ingredients that may not be safe for human consumption. Below, I analyse the regulations and legislation in place to regulate and penalise businesses that sell food products not fit for human consumption.

The recent deaths of dozens of children who consumed unsafe food sold in unregulated spaza shops shocked the nation and caused outrage, emphasising the need for change in the informal food retail sector. Some media reported that since the beginning of September this year, a total of 890 incidents of food-borne illnesses have been reported across all provinces. These events demand immediate action, with President Cyril Ramaphosa mandating all spaza shops to register within 21 working days.

Though most have welcomed and praised the president’s decisive action, some are blaming the government and more so, foreign-run spaza shops. The country has the all the laws in place to not only police and act against perpetrators, but to also prevent tragic incidents like these. These laws include the South African Regulation R638 of 2018 for Food Premises, South African Regulation R146 of 2010 for Food Labelling, the South African Consumer Protection Act 68 of 2008 (CPA), and municipal by-laws. These laws just need to be enforced. With all spaza shops enforced to be registered, it will make it much easier to shut down shops that are not registered and prosecute those who might be selling foods that have either expired or are fake. However, the problem is much deeper than this, considering the growing animosity towards foreign-owned spaza shops taking away business opportunities from local citizens.

South African Regulation R638 of 2018 for Food Premises

This regulation outlines the required hygiene standards and food safety practices that businesses, including spaza shops, must set up. Environmental Health Practitioners (EHP) can enforce these regulations by conducting inspections and providing guidance to shop owners. In a situation where fake or expired foodstuffs are found on shelves, they must be removed and confiscated by the EHP to be destroyed. In terms of provision 15, a person who violates these regulations will be guilty of an offence and liable to a penalty in terms of section 18(1) of the Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act (Act 54 of 1972). First-time offenders are fined an amount of R400, or six months’ imprisonment or both a fine and imprisonment. Second-time offenders are fined R800, or 12-month prison sentence or both a fine and imprisonment. Third-time offenders are fined R2 000 and imprisonment for a period not exceeding 24 months or a fine and imprisonment.

South African Regulation R146 of 2010 for Food Labelling

These regulations govern the proper labelling of food products to ensure consumers have proper information on the product they intend to buy. Information on the label relates to contents and expiry dates. However, this regulation is problematic in the sense that expiry dates are not prescribed by law. Manufacturers determine what is appropriate in terms of an expiry date. This is bound to encourage manipulation of expiry dates, putting consumers’ health at risk. The regulations do not mention anything about penalties for offenders. It is presumed that businesses that breach this act are charged in terms of section 18(1) of the Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act (Act 54 of 1972).

The South African Consumer Protection Act 68 of 2008 (CPA)

The CPA provides protection measures for consumers that include the right to safe and quality goods. Consumers have a right to return harmful products and issue complaints about such products. Complaints can be sent to the Provisional Consumer Authorities (PCA) or the National Consumer Commission (NCC). Selling of fake or expired food falls under the category of “unconscionable conduct”, “misleading” or “deceptive” practices. The NCT presides over such cases. A person convicted of such an offence may be liable to a fine or imprisonment for a period not exceeding 12 months or both a fine and imprisonment. The NCT may impose administrative fines not exceeding 10% of the violator's annual turnover in a financial year.

Most spaza shops obtain their goods from wholesalers who are off the hook from prosecution. The media appear to show only one side of the problem, the spaza shop, but not the wholesaler.

The NCC is not using its powers effectively in terms of section 73 to refer matters to the NPA of wholesalers who sell expired foods.

The NCT may also issue a compliance notice should a wholesaler be found to have been selling expired or fake foods. If the conduct continues or the wholesaler does not cooperate, the matter can be referred to the NPA in terms of Section 100.

Municipal by-laws

Municipalities such as Mangaung have by-laws relating to spaza shops but there appear not to be enough health inspectors to conduct the necessary inspections to ensure fake or expired food are not sold in such shops. Necessary financial resources must be available to ensure that municipalities can carry out their mandate effectively in supporting provincial consumer authorities, the NCC, NCT and NPA towards curbing the problem of expired and fake foods.

Conclusion

A Draconian approach is needed to mitigate the surge in the sale of expired and fake foods. The Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act (Act 54 of 1972) is rather outdated regarding the present spike in the number of fake and expired foods for sale. The CPA gives powers to the NCC and NCT to report business practices to the NPA that are either harmful or prejudicial to consumers. These powers must be used effectively. Secondly, the fines imposed are too lenient. R400 or even R2 000 are too low to deter individuals from repeating the offence.

A register of offenders is needed for manufacturers, wholesalers and shops that sell expired or fake foods. To make this effective, all individuals convicted by the NPA must be listed in this offenders’ register. Such a register must be published in the government gazette for easy access by the public. This will be a deterrent to the sale of expired or fake foods or foods allegedly containing poison.

This will avoid the situation where consumers take it upon themselves to go on social media and raise awareness of products people should not buy. For instance, recently, a video went viral of a person warning people not to buy certain 1.25l Coca-Cola bottles because the serial numbers displayed on the bottle were not consistent with other serial numbers. 

News Archive

Media: ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
2006-05-20


27/05/2006 20:32 - (SA) 
ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
ON 2004, the University of the Free State turned 100 years old. As part of its centenary celebrations, the idea of the Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture was mooted as part of another idea: to promote the study of the meaning of Moshoeshoe.

This lecture comes at a critical point in South Africa's still-new democracy. There are indications that the value of public engagement that Moshoeshoe prized highly through his lipitso [community gatherings], and now also a prized feature in our democracy, may be under serious threat. It is for this reason that I would like to dedicate this lecture to all those in our country and elsewhere who daily or weekly, or however frequently, have had the courage to express their considered opinions on pressing matters facing our society. They may be columnists, editors, commentators, artists of all kinds, academics and writers of letters to the editor, non-violent protesters with their placards and cartoonists who put a mirror in front of our eyes.

There is a remarkable story of how Moshoeshoe dealt with Mzilikazi, the aggressor who attacked Thaba Bosiu and failed. So when Mzilikazi retreated from Thaba Bosiu with a bruised ego after failing to take over the mountain, Moshoeshoe, in an unexpected turn of events, sent him cattle to return home bruised but grateful for the generosity of a victorious target of his aggression. At least he would not starve along the way. It was a devastating act of magnanimity which signalled a phenomenal role change.

"If only you had asked," Moshoeshoe seemed to be saying, "I could have given you some cattle. Have them anyway."

It was impossible for Mzilikazi not to have felt ashamed. At the same time, he could still present himself to his people as one who was so feared that even in defeat he was given cattle. At any rate, he never returned.

I look at our situation in South Africa and find that the wisdom of Moshoeshoe's method produced one of the defining moments that led to South Africa's momentous transition to democracy. Part of Nelson Mandela's legacy is precisely this: what I have called counter-intuitive leadership and the immense possibilities it offers for re-imagining whole societies.

A number of events in the past 12 months have made me wonder whether we are faced with a new situation that may have arisen. An increasing number of highly intelligent, sensitive and highly committed South Africans across the class, racial and cultural spectrum confess to feeling uncertain and vulnerable as never before since 1994. When indomitable optimists confess to having a sense of things unhinging, the misery of anxiety spreads. It must have something to do with an accumulation of events that convey the sense of impending implosion. It is the sense that events are spiralling out of control and no one among the leadership of the country seems to have a handle on things.

I should mention the one event that has dominated the national scene continuously for many months now. It is, of course, the trying events around the recent trial and acquittal of Jacob Zuma. The aftermath continues to dominate the news and public discourse. What, really, have we learnt or are learning from it all? It is probably too early to tell. Yet the drama seems far from over, promising to keep us all without relief, and in a state of anguish. It seems poised to reveal more faultlines in our national life than answers and solutions.

We need a mechanism that will affirm the different positions of the contestants validating their honesty in a way that will give the public confidence that real solutions are possible. It is this kind of openness, which never comes easily, that leads to breakthrough solutions, of the kind Moshoeshoe's wisdom symbolises.

Who will take this courageous step? What is clear is that a complex democracy like South Africa's cannot survive a single authority. Only multiple authorities within a constitutional framework have a real chance. I want to press this matter further.

Could it be that part of the problem is that we are unable to deal with the notion of "opposition". We are horrified that any of us could become "the opposition". In reality, it is time we began to anticipate the arrival of a moment when there was no longer a single [overwhelmingly] dominant political force as is currently the case. Such is the course of change. The measure of the maturity of the current political environment will be in how it can create conditions that anticipate that moment rather than ones that seek to prevent it. This is the formidable challenge of a popular post-apartheid political movement.

Can it conceptually anticipate a future when it is no longer overwhelmingly in control, in the form in which it currently is and resist, counter-intuitively, the temptation to prevent such an eventuality? Successfully resisting such an option would enable its current vision and its ultimate legacy to our country to manifest itself in different articulations of itself, which then contend for social influence.

In this way, the vision never really dies, it simply evolves into higher, more complex forms of itself. If the resulting versions are what is called "the opposition" that should not be such a bad thing - unless we want to invent another name for it. The image of flying ants going off to start other similar settlements is not so inappropriate.

I do not wish to suggest that the nuptial flights of the alliance partners are about to occur: only that it is a mark of leadership foresight to anticipate them conceptually. Any political movement that has visions of itself as a perpetual entity should look at the compelling evidence of history. Few have survived those defining moments when they should have been more elastic, and that because they were not, did not live to see the next day.

I believe we may have reached a moment not fundamentally different from the sobering, yet uplifting and vision-making, nation-building realities that led to Kempton Park in the early 1990s. The difference between then and now is that the black majority is not facing white compatriots across the negotiating table. Rather, it is facing itself: perhaps really for the first time since 1994. It is not a time for repeating old platitudes. Could we apply to ourselves the same degree of inventiveness and rigorous negotiation we displayed up to the adoption or our Constitution?

Morena Moshoeshoe faced similarly formative challenges. He seems to have been a great listener. No problem was too insignificant that it could not be addressed. He seems to have networked actively across the spectrum of society. He seems to have kept a close eye on the world beyond Lesotho, forming strong friendships and alliances, weighing his options constantly. He seems to have had patience and forbearance. He had tons of data before him before he could propose the unexpected. He tells us across the years that moments of renewal demand no less.

  • This is an editied version of the inaugural Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture presented by Univeristy of Cape Town vice-chancellor Professor Ndebele at the University of the Free State on Thursday. Perspectives on Leadership Challenges In South Africa

 

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