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Siyanda Magayana
Siyanda Magayana, Senior Officer: Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office, Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice, UFS.

Opinion article by Siyanda Magayana, Senior Officer: Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office, Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice, University of the Free State.


A Paradox of Pride

The month of June is International Pride Month, a time to celebrate and commemorate the strides that have been made by various LGBTQI+ persons and groups, as well as allies to decriminalise homosexuality world-wide. It is also a time that serves as a symbol of solidarity, visibility, and resilience for this community. However, against the backdrop of ongoing criminalisation, homophobia, transphobia, discrimination, and violence targeted at this group across the globe, the question arises: can we truly celebrate? The significance that Pride Month holds for all LGBTQI+ people is noteworthy on a global scale. During this month, LGBTQI+ individuals are afforded the opportunity to affirm their identity, honour, and commemorate history, while equally advocating for equality in the volatile times on our continent and beyond.

However, it is important to note that despite the strides that have been made to recognise, legalise, and protect lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and other non-normative identities world-wide, LGBTQI+ individuals in Africa and globally continue to experience a complex mix of emotions. In Africa and globally again, even in counties like South Africa where same-sex relationships and marriages are legally recognised, violence, discrimination, resistance, and harassment remain prevalent issues for this community. This is indicative of the life-long struggle for equality and safety for LGBTQI+ individuals, underscoring the need for continued advocacy and support. Likewise, while Pride Month may offer a chance to commemorate moments of resilience, solidarity, and triumph, it equally serves as a stark reminder of the ongoing realities of being subjected to daily violence, rejection at home and by the system, and different forms of discrimination.

The Context of Criminalisation

There has been a surge in the criminalisation of same-sex relationships in several African countries, and worldwide – the most recent and most-talked-about being Uganda. Outside of religious arguments, the criminalisation of homosexuality and homosexual acts in Africa is often justified by claims that denote it as a foreign concept that undermines the history, traditions, and sovereign culture and foundations of the continent.

Consequently, many countries enforce severe punishments, including imprisonment and death sentences, for those found guilty of practising homosexuality. These laws represent a gross violation of human rights and contribute to a social crisis marked by stigma, fear, and violence against gender non-conforming and LGBTQI+ individuals. Likewise, as sentiments that argue that same-sex attraction and relationships are ‘un-African’ and a ‘Western import’ persist, the marginalisation and discrimination the LGBTQI+ community will continue, further entrenching their vulnerability within our societies. In addition, the criminalisation of same-sex identities and relationships has far-reaching and devastating effects on LGBTQI+ individuals globally. These effects permeate every aspect of their life, threatening not just their personal safety and freedom, but also their mental health and well-being, as well as access to justice and economic opportunities.

Impact on Human Rights and Dignity

The impact of the criminalisation of homosexuality on the human rights and dignity of gender non-comforting and non-normative identities cannot be overstated. It has far-reaching consequences for not only human rights and dignity, but also for social justice. The systemic oppression that continues to subject and deprive LGBTQI+ persons of their inherent right to freedom of expression, autonomy, and dignity, as enshrined in the constitution and global policies, calls for a national and international awakening for all. LGBTQI+ rights are equally human rights, and they are similar to the rights of those who are perceived to have ‘normative’ identities, such as heterosexual individuals.

Moreover, just as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and other identities have the right to live freely, express their love and pursue relationships without fear of violence, being jailed, or discrimination, so too should LGBTQI+ individuals. And, amid the criminalisation and ongoing chastising of LGBTQI+ identities world-wide, it is crucial to remember that their rights are not special privileges, but rather ensuring that everyone, regardless of gender identity and sexual orientation ought to be protected and enjoy the same freedoms and same rights.

Celebrating with Resilience and Solidarity

Although celebrating pride month is often fraught with complexities and challenges, it is still a time to reflect, celebrate and be courageous in the fight against gender inequality, discrimination, violence, and justice continues. This month, globally, continues to symbolise the resilience for LGBTQI+ individuals as they assert their right to exist fully, openly, and authentically. Therefore, amid the ongoing criminalisation and violence, it is crucial that we stand in solidarity, protect, and amplify the voices of the LGBTQI+ community by repealing any discriminatory laws that seek to erase and undermine their rightful existence. Furthermore, it is imperative that anti-discriminatory laws that safeguard everyone’s rights – regardless of gender identity and sexual orientation continue to be applied equitably.

In conclusion, pride month is a dual faceted observation for many. On the one hand, it is a time that is filled with joyous parades and reflective dialogues celebrating how far the LGBTQI+ community and movement has come. On the other hand, amidst criminalisation of queer identities, it is a sombre time for many who have been, and continue to be, subjects of violence, rejection, ridicule, and discrimination because of their gender identity and sexual orientation. As we celebrate this annual initiative, it is important for us to remember and support those who cannot do so openly, continue to advocate for a society where everyone, regardless of their gender identity and sexual orientation can live freely and openly without fear.

News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

Mediaverklaring
Uitgereik deur: Lacea Loader
Mediaverteenwoordiger
Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

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