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Dr Ina Gouws
Dr Ina Gouws is Senior Lecturer: Programme: Governance and Political Transformation, Department of Political Studies and Governance, University of the Free State.

Opinion article by Dr Ina Gouws, Senior Lecturer: Programme: Governance and Political Transformation, Department of Political Studies and Governance, University of the Free State.

Community-based governance refers to the systems and processes involved in the interface between community participation, community engagement, and public sector decision-making. This requires a partnership between civil society, business, and government. For this partnership to work, all partners must commit and invest in these processes for the sake of better services to communities. In recent years, communities have had to approach community-based governance with regional and local governments as mostly absent partners.

As South Africa approaches the national and provincial elections this week, voters need to reflect on the indispensable role civil society organisations have assumed in bridging the governance gap left by ineffective local and provincial governments. These organisations, driven by a profound commitment to community welfare, have extended their reach beyond their designated mandates, skillsets, and financial capacities to address pressing community needs. Their tireless efforts have underscored the significance of community-based governance and the urgent need for collaboration between civil society and government institutions.

Embracing community-based governance

In most provinces across South Africa, communities have found themselves grappling with the consequences of governance failures, ranging from inadequate service delivery to systemic corruption. Faced with these challenges, civil society organisations have emerged as beacons of hope, leveraging their grassroots networks and intimate understanding of local dynamics to deliver essential services, advocate for change, and empower communities.

However, the burden should not fall solely on the shoulders of civil society. As the nation prepares for a new phase of post-election governance, incoming national and provincial governments must acknowledge and appreciate the pivotal role played by these organisations. They must recognise the wealth of expertise, connections, and trust that civil society brings to the table.  By rebuilding the fractured relationship between government and communities, which is fundamental to effective community-based governance, a collaborative approach is therefore required. Moreover, governments must move beyond mere acknowledgement and actively engage with civil society organisations as equal partners in the pursuit of sustainable development and social justice. This entails fostering open channels of communication, soliciting input from communities and civil society in policy formulation and decision-making processes, and allocating and then PROVIDING resources to support the initiatives and projects driven by these organisations.

By embracing community-based governance and forging genuine partnerships with civil society, provincial governments can tap into a valuable reservoir of knowledge and experience that is essential to addressing the complex challenges facing South African society. Together, they can work towards a future where governance is not just about top-down directives, but is rooted in the principles of inclusivity, responsiveness, and accountability. South Africans are not experiencing such partnerships at all in most provinces. Voters MUST reflect on this before they cast their votes.

Reimagine governance in South Africa

Voters must not forget the impact an ineffective national and provincial government has had on their communities. We must vote with the expectation that our national government's ultimate goal must be to ensure that communities at the grassroots level receive the services and support they need for the people living there to thrive. This includes providing essential utility services such as water, electricity, and sanitation; social services such as health care, education, and welfare; and fostering economic growth through investment towards job creation and infrastructure development.

Provincial governments are supposed to play a crucial intermediary role by bringing national objectives to the regional level, tailoring strategies and policies to the specific needs and circumstances of their areas. They therefore set the tone for local governance, and by extension, community-based governance, by interpreting national policies and ensuring their implementation in a way that addresses local priorities. South Africans have not experienced this level of good governance in recent years; some never have.

So, if this interpretation and implementation does not happen – which is the case in most provinces – the tone set for community-based governance is one of disarray, failure, and suffering. There are of course a few cases that are the exception.  South African voters can change this by voting for a national and provincial government that will impact communities in constructive ways and pave the way for the local government elections to follow.

We are on the cusp of a new electoral cycle. As voters, we must seize this opportunity to reimagine governance in South Africa – governance that puts the needs and aspirations of communities at its core, nurtures collaboration between government and civil society, and paves the way for a more equitable and prosperous future for all. With this vision, we can truly realise the promise of democracy and ensure that no community is left behind. These may be national and provincial elections, but you are voting for your community!

News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

Mediaverklaring
Uitgereik deur: Lacea Loader
Mediaverteenwoordiger
Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

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