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Prof Theo Neethling
Prof Theo Neethling is from the Department of Political Studies and Governance at the University of the Free State.

Opinion article by Prof Theo Neethling, Department of Political Studies and Governance, University of the Free State.


As South Africa approaches the monumental occasion of the 2024 national and provincial elections, it stands at the nexus of its democratic journey, marking three decades since the inception of its democratic dispensation. This pivotal moment in the nation's history encapsulates a confluence of factors that could redefine its trajectory. The emergence of new political entities, the inclusion of independent candidates, a weaker incumbent party, pervasive uncertainty, and a clamour for change and economic revitalisation underscore the significance of the forthcoming 29 May elections. Delving into the fabric of South Africa's political landscape unveils the following ten variables of profound importance, each wielding relevance to the potential reshaping of the country's future:

Depth of democracy

Whereas the ANC obtained close to 70% of the votes in 2004, its support dwindled to just over 57% in 2019, and expectations are broadly that the ANC will obtain support of between 40% and 50% in the upcoming elections. All indications are that a coalition will have to be formed at national level, but also in provinces such as Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal. Gone are the days when the ANC had no serious political contender at the polls. Furthermore, several new parties are entering the elections, such as Rise Mzansi and Action SA, competing with more established opposition parties such as the DA and the EFF – all suggesting changes in the political landscape of the country.

Staleness of incumbency and leadership succession

Where long-term one-party dominance occurs, arrogance, corruption, and confusion of party and state interests often prevail. This is certainly of relevance to South Africa, where many South Africans have increasingly experienced a staleness of incumbency after about ten years into our democratic dispensation. Few South Africans would not concur that the capacity of the government and public service is now severely lacking and needs urgent attention. Otherwise, the ANC is battling with internal strife and even President Cyril Ramaphosa has condemned the division within the governing party on several occasions over the past years. As far as leadership succession is concerned, there is no clarity on who might succeed Ramaphosa or even on his remaining period in the presidential office.

Legitimacy of government

The post-1994 government increasingly started to face significant legitimacy problems at all levels of government, but especially at municipal level with protests and even violent incidents demonstrating dissatisfaction with service delivery. Research conducted by several researchers in recent years indicates a significant decline in confidence in South Africa’s parliament and similar patterns for the national, provincial, and local governments. Voting behaviour also shows considerable apathy. Only about 66% of registered voters turned out to vote in the 2019 elections, which compares badly with the turnout of just more than 89% registered voters in 1999 and a more than 73% turnout in 2014.

Socio-economic conditions

Since 1994, South Africa has experienced several serious structural problems in its political economy, such as a lack of trained human capital and a poor educational system. This had a serious impact on economic growth and socio-economic conditions in the country. Two of the most important markers of socio-economic conditions in the country are, firstly, the wealth differential between rich and poor (notable imbalance in income distribution) in South Africa, and secondly, a high official unemployment figure of more than 30%. Youth unemployment is even much higher. Whereas the potential for societal instability has decreased dramatically since democratisation in 1994, there is currently a high risk of spontaneous riotous behaviour against the state and the plundering of properties by a frustrated unemployed population.

Racial, ethnic, language, and religious cleavages

Before and since 1994, South Africa experienced colour, racial, and ethnic divisions in society. These divisions are deep and exclusionist and always a potential source of societal tension. South Africa remains a societal landscape that is racially conscious, and race and ethnic groupings tend to support specific political parties. Positively speaking, however, researchers from the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation also indicate that about three quarters (75%) of South Africans – a majority across all race groups – agree that a united South Africa is desirable.

Safety and security

Few South Africans do not view safety and security as among the most challenging political issues in the country. In the past two decades, crime levels have frequently ranked among the highest in the world, ranging from ordinary theft to sophisticated networks of cartels and syndicates. The seriousness of this issue is reflected in the fact that there are more than 2,7 million registered private security officers in the country. This makes the South African security industry one of the largest in the world in a country where there are fewer than 150 000 police officers for the country's population of 62 million. Interestingly, the number of security businesses in South Africa has grown by 43% in the past decade, while the number of registered security officers has increased by 44%.

Macro political-economic circumstances

Macro-economic indicators, specifically relating to the monetary and fiscal policies (managed by the South African Reserve Bank and the Ministry of Finance respectively), still reveal sound policies. However, South Africa has been unsuccessful in attracting major inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI) in recent decades. One of the problems is that despite the efforts of President Cyril Ramaphosa to personally promote FDI, certain elements in the political domain – and the ruling party – are decidedly anti-business. The Fraser Institute’s Economic Freedom of the World report also indicated that South Africa appears considerably lower on the list of economic freedom to do business without government prescriptions than during the Mandela/Mbeki era.

Administrative competence in government

There can be little doubt that poor performance of government and a governance crisis, especially at local government level, is of high concern to most South Africans and will play a role in voting behaviour. This issue is largely rooted in the lack of appropriate skills and capacity, and unethical conduct in increasing incidents of corruption and maladministration in both government departments and state-owned companies, including Eskom. In July 2021, South Africa was hit by a wave of devastating violence that left more than 350 people dead and coincided with massive economic damage. Different people have used different terms to describe what happened: civil unrest, looting, food riots, uprising, rebellion. In a subsequent report it was stated that by and large, the events could be attributed to the pervasiveness of weak state institutions that failed at implementation, and ineffective security institutions that failed to uphold the law.

The security of private property

Land reform in South Africa remains an emotive and politically fraught subject. Successful land reform can help forge a more cohesive society if a properly managed redistribution programme is implemented. However, since 1994 land reform remains a challenge, although some communities and individuals have indeed had their land restored. For some parties, radical land reform is a priority and/or key issue in their manifestos, while others emphasise food security. Land reform is not always high on the political agenda, but usually rears its head as we move closer to elections.

The regional foreign policy landscape

Since 1994, South Africa has had no immediate regional enemies. The most significant regional issue is the unknown but large numbers of illegal immigrants settling in South Africa. There is a perception among some South Africans that immigrants are overwhelming the resources of the country and that jobs are taken from South Africans. In 2019, the country experienced widespread incidents of looting and violent xenophobic protests in various parts of Gauteng, resulting in the burning of public and private property. Currently, xenophobia is a simmering political issue and some politicians have recently fuelled xenophobic sentiments in their political campaigns.

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News Archive

SRC elections of our Bloemfontein Campus
2011-07-26

The Student Council elections of our university at the Bloemfontein Campus will take place on 29 and 30 August 2011. These official election dates were announced by Mr Rudi Buys, Dean: Student Affairs, on 25 July 2011.

Nominations open on Wednesday, 27 July 2011 and the elections, which are constituted according to the SRC Constitution, shall be handled by the Independent Electoral Agency, which shall be instituted by the SRC Constitution with this in view.
 
“The elections introduce a new era in student leadership and governance, because student representation will now constituted in such a way that affords the majority of students the opportunity to vote directly for their representatives. Senior leadership structures are extended in the new Constitution, in order to allow more students to hold senior positions,” states Mr Buys.
 
The SRC elections follow on the approval of a new Constitution that was accepted by our Council on 3 June 2011.
 
The Constitution was drafted over a period of eight months by the Broad Student Transformation Forum (BSTF), consisting of students, in order to design a new dispensation in student structures. The BSTF, which decided on new models of student representation in collaboration with independent facilitators, consists of more than 70 student organisations and residences. The changes to the Constitution were decided on and accepted by the BSTF, after recommendations from four student study groups, which investigated student leadership and governance in depth, at national as well as international level, were taken into account. The study groups visited nine (9) other SA universities, as well as investigated student representation at internationally renowned universities like Cornell, Yale and Stanford in the United States of America.
 
Ms Modieyi Motholo, Chairperson of the Interim Student Committee, says that she is very proud of what the students have achieved with the new Constitution. “I wish to accord recognition to all the students who lead the process for all their hard work. Constitutional revision is a strenuous process and it is nothing short of a miracle that the students could not only reconstruct the Constitution, but also have it accepted in less than a year.”
 
The important changes include, amongst others:

  • Candidates no longer stand on behalf of parties in the elections, but as independent candidates for 10 predetermined portfolios for which students can vote directly;
  • Students also directly vote for a President and a Vice-President;
  • Nine (9) SRC members serve ex-officio as SRC members by virtue of being chairpersons of nine additional student councils established by the Constitution. Amongst others, the councils include a postgraduate student council, an international student council, a student media council and a student academic affairs council;
  • More stringent eligibility requirements are set for candidates, namely that students who wish to run in the elections has to, amongst others, sustain an academic average of more than 60%, and hold proven student leadership experience (which could be verified by the Independent Electoral Agency).

 
“With the SRC elections, students have the opportunity to firmly entrench the changes in student governance on which they have decided on by  themselves firmly, as a sustainable model for democracy at our Bloemfontein Campus. It speaks volumes that the number of leadership positions for which candidates can make themselves available, in essence has been increased by the number of additional student sub-councils from 21 to 67, because it brings about much more direct representation for different students across the campus,” says Mr Buys.
 
“I firmly believe that the upcoming student council elections will be a success,” says Motholo. “I wish the students, who are prepared to sacrifice a year of their lives in service of the student community as a member of the SRC, all of the best.”
 
The Qwaqwa Campus’ election schedule shall be announced within the next week, as well as the date of the institution of the Central Student Council (CSC).

Media Release
26 July 2011
Issued by: Lacea Loader
Director: Strategic Communication
Tel: 051 401 2584
Cell: 083 645 2454
E-mail: news@ufs.ac.za
 
 

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