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07 May 2024 | Story Valentino Ndaba | Photo Supplied
South African Democracy
Back (from left) Dr Brand Claassen (Head of the Department of Private Law), Dr Jacques Matthee (Vice-dean Faculty of Law), Dr Marianne Sèverin (Institute for African Studies at Bordeaux University, France), Dr Marda Horn, Dr James Faber, Dr Lerato Ngwenyama. Front (from left) Dr Caroline Müller-Van der Westhuizen, Dr Anthea-lee September-Van Huffel and Portia Senokoane.

The University of the Free State’s Department of Private Law in the Faculty of Law recently hosted an enlightening seminar titled 30 years of democracy in South Africa on 26 April 2024. Dr Marianne Sèverin, from the Institute for African Studies at Bordeaux University in France, graced the event with her expertise. Her doctoral research delved into the Political Networking of the African National Congress (ANC), providing a rich backdrop for her discussion on South African democracy with the faculty’s esteemed staff and eager students.

Navigating the adolescent years

In her engaging discourse, Dr Sèverin likened South African democracy to that of “a teenager”, acknowledging the strides made since the advent of democracy in 1994. However, she astutely pointed out that despite the country boasting a robust Constitution, the pervasive issues of corruption and poverty remain significant hurdles. Drawing from her deep knowledge of the ANC, she shed light on the party’s overwhelming dominance in politics, which, unfortunately, provides fertile ground for corrupt practices to flourish unchecked.

The perspective of the ‘born free’ generation

Of particular interest to Dr Sèverin were the perspectives of the young attendees, affectionately known as the ‘Born Free’ generation, who never experienced the apartheid era firsthand. Their casual acceptance of democracy struck a chord with her. Dr Marda Horn, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Private Law noted, “She found through her discussions that they seemed to take democracy for granted and did not appreciate how lucky they were to live in a democracy.”

Lessons from across the continent

Throughout her presentation, Dr Sèverin artfully weaved in anecdotes from other African nations, such as Zimbabwe, Congo-Brazzaville, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where democracy has faltered. Her passion for South Africa was palpable as she recounted the emotional moment she experienced during the Rugby World Cup in France in 2023 when the national anthem resonated. Expressing her admiration for the ethos of “ubuntu” demonstrated by the Springboks, she confessed that this philosophy has become her guiding principle in life, a testament to the profound impact of South African culture on her.

A call to cherish and safeguard

The seminar provided a platform for deep reflection on the progress and challenges of democracy in South Africa, urging participants to cherish and safeguard the hard-won freedoms of the nation. As South Africa approaches the elections scheduled for 29 May 2024, the seminar serves as a timely reminder of the importance of youth engagement in shaping the country’s democratic future.

News Archive

UFS research sheds light on service delivery protests in South Africa
2015-01-23

UFS research sheds light on service delivery protests in South Africa

Service delivery protests in the country have peaked during 2014, with 176 major service delivery protests staged against local government across South Africa.

A study by the University of the Free State (UFS) found that many of these protests are led by individuals who previously held key positions within the ANC and prominent community leaders. Many of these protests involved violence, and the destruction had a devastating impact on the communities involved.

This study was done by Dr Sethulego Matebesi, researcher and senior lecturer at the UFS. He focused his research on the dynamics of service delivery protests in South Africa.

Service delivery protests refer to the collective taken by a group of community members which are directed against a local municipality over poor or inadequate provision of basic services, and a wider spectrum of concerns including, for example, housing, infrastructural developments, and corruption.

These protests increased substantially from about 10 in 2004 to 111 in 2010, reaching unprecedented levels with 176 during 2014.

The causes of these protests are divided into three broad categories: systemic (maladministration, fraud, nepotism and corruption); structural (healthcare, poverty, unemployment and land issues); and governance (limited opportunities for civic participation, lack of accountability, weak leadership and the erosion of public confidence in leadership).

In his research, Dr Matebesi observed and studied protests in the Free State, Northern Cape and the North-West since 2008. He found that these protests can be divided into two groups, each with its own characteristics.

“On the one side you have highly fragmented residents’ groups that often use intimidation and violence in predominantly black communities. On the other side, there are highly structured ratepayers’ associations that primarily uses the withholding of municipal rates and taxes in predominantly white communities.”

 

Who are the typical protesters?

Dr Matebesi’s study results show that in most instances, protests in black areas are led by individuals who previously held key positions within the ANC - prominent community leaders. Generally, though, protests are supported by predominantly unemployed, young residents.

“However, judging by election results immediately after protests, the study revealed that the ANC is not losing votes over such actions.”

The study found that in the case of the structured ratepayers’ associations, the groups are led by different segments of the community, including professionals such as attorneys, accountants and even former municipal managers.

Dr Matebesi says that although many protests in black communities often turned out violent, protest leaders stated that they never planned to embark on violent protests.

“They claimed that is was often attitude (towards the protesters), reaction of the police and the lack of government’s interest in their grievances that sparked violence.”

Totally different to this is the form of peaceful protests that involves sanctioning. This requires restraint and coordination, which only a highly structured group can provide.

“The study demonstrates that the effects of service delivery protests have been tangible and visible in South Africa, with almost daily reports of violent confrontations with police, extensive damage to property, looting of businesses, and at times, the injuring or even killing of civilians. With the increase of violence, the space for building trust between the state and civil society is decreasing.”

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