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06 November 2024 | Story Anthony Mthembu | Photo BORN2SHOOT
inaugural Albie Sachs Prestige Lecture 2024
From the left (back row): Dean of the Faculty of Law, Prof Serges Kamga; Judge of the Supreme Court of Appeal, Justice Nolwazi Mabindla-Boqwana; Deputy Vice-Chancellor: Research and Internationalisation at the University of the Free State (UFS), Prof Vasu Reddy; Project Director of the Albie Collection and Chair of the Albie Sachs Trust (ASCAROL), Vanessa September; and acting Deputy Vice-Chancellor: Academic at the University of the Free State (UFS), Prof Philippe Burger. From the left (front row): Acting Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Free State (UFS), Prof Anthea Rhoda; Emeritus Constitutional Court Justice Albie Sachs; and Chief Justice of South Africa, Mandisa Maya.

The Faculty of Law at the University of the Free State (UFS) hosted the inaugural Albie Sachs Prestige Lecture on the UFS Bloemfontein Campus on 30 October 2024. The lecture – delivered by Emeritus Constitutional Court Justice Albie Sachs – was titled, ‘Who actually wrote the Constitution, and why they gave eleven unelected judges the power to strike down laws and actions of the democratically chosen parliament and president’?

In attendance at the lecture were Chief Justice of South Africa, Mandisa Maya; acting Vice-Chancellor of the UFS, Prof Anthea Rhoda; Judge of the Supreme Court of Appeal, Justice Nolwazi Mabindla-Boqwana; Senior State Advocate, Antoinette Ferreira; Project Director of the Albie Collection and Chair of the Albie Sachs Trust for Constitutionalism and the Rule of Law (ASCAROL), Vanessa September; as well as the Dean of the Faculty of Law, Prof Serges Kamga, among other high-profile guests.

In his opening address, Prof Kamga indicated that the lecture aimed to provide some responses to the core questions about the constitution and constitutionalism in South Africa. As such, Prof Rhoda echoed this sentiment, highlighting that, “when it comes to the events that preceded, surrounded, and followed the drafting and adoption of our country’s constitution, there are few commentators better placed than Judge Albie Sachs”.

The making of the constitution

As part of his lecture, Justice Sachs gave a detailed account of the making of the South African constitution. According to Justice Sachs, a total of 490 members of parliament came together to draft the constitution, which included members of the National Assembly and the Senate. These members had been mandated by 20 million South Africans who wanted a better future. As such, he described that moment as a “huge accomplishment on the part of the liberation movement”.

However, he highlighted that fulfilling this mandate was not an easy task, as it required an enormous amount of thought and mobilisation of legal technology to enable those in power at the time to surrender control of the army, police, and to some extent the economy and law-making, among other aspects. These negotiations resulted in a two-state process of constitution-making, which included the drafting of an interim constitution and the establishment of a parliament that would draft the final constitution.

Justice Sachs indicated that once the constitutional assembly sent the constitutional text to the constitutional court to ensure its compliance with agreed principles, it was found non-compliant in eleven respects, for which they had to find solutions in order for the constitution to be adopted.

As he concluded his address, Justice Sachs underscored his pride in having been involved in what he describes as a wonderfully rich story.

Forging a partnership

Subsequent to the address by Justice Sachs, the Faculty of Law and ASCAROL signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), formalising the Albie Sachs Prestige Lecture as an annual event and allowing further collaboration. In fact, Prof Kamga highlighted that if Justice Sachs was not available to deliver a lecture, the trust would appoint someone in his place. To further solidify this partnership, the faculty was gifted with some of Justice Sachs’ works, including books and other materials, for its library.

Prof Rhoda expressed gratitude for this collaborative effort, saying, “We are grateful to have found such a partner in Justice Albie Sachs and the Albie Sachs Trust. May this relationship continue to blossom and bear fruit – to the benefit of our young leaders of tomorrow.”

News Archive

Protection of Information bill- opinions from our experts
2011-11-28

Prof. Hussein Solomon
Senior Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Free State. 

In recent years, given their failure to effectively govern, the ANC has become increasingly defensive. These defensive traits have become particularly acute in light of the various corruption scandals that members of the ruling party involve themselves in.
 
Given the fact that for now they are assured of an electoral majority (largely on account of their anti-apartheid credentials), coupled with the fact that they have managed to make parliament a rubber stamp of the executive as opposed to holding the executive accountable, it is the media which has increasingly held the ruling party to account by exposing such corruption and incompetence in government.
 
The passing of the information bill, therefore, is not merely an attack on the media, but an attack on the pivotal issue of accountability. Without accountability, there can be no democracy.
 
By defining national interest broadly, by refusing to accept a public interest clause in the bill, the ANC increasingly shows its disdain to South Africa's constitution and its citizens.
 
More importantly, as former Minister of Intelligence and ANC stalwart Ronnie Kasrils pointedly makes clear, the ANC is also betraying its own noble struggle against the odious apartheid regime. It was the media which played a key role in exposing apartheid's excesses, it is the same media which is coming under attack by the heirs of PW Botha's State Security Council - Minister of State Security Siyabong Cwele and his security apparatchiks whose mindsets reflect more Stalin's Gulag's than the values of the Freedom Charter.
 
The passing of this bill is also taking place at a time when journalists have had their phones attacked, where the judiciary has been deliberately undermined and parliament silenced.
 
Democrats beware!

 
Prof. Johann de Wet
Chairperson: Department of Communication Science 
 
The ANC’s insistence on passing the Protection of State Information Bill in its current form and enforcing it by law, means that the essence of our democratic state and the quality of life of every citizen is at stake.
 
Yes, our freedom as academics, researchers, mass media practitioners and citizens comes into play. Freedom implies the right to choose and is, along with equality, an underlying principle which helps make democracy happen. While the South African state needs to protect (classify) information which could threaten its security and/or survival, the omission of a public interest clause in the Bill at this stage effectively denies a citizen the right to freedom of information.
 
 Freedom of information, along with press freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of association and religious freedom, are essential to democracy. These freedoms are granted because they conform to basic liberal ideas associated with (Western) democracy and which resonate with South Africa’s liberal constitution, such as (1) belief in the supreme value of the individual (and thus not of the state); (2) belief that the individual has natural rights (rights which belong to all human beings by nature – such as the right to life and to control government)) which exist independently of government, and which ought to be protected by and against government; and (3) recognition of the supreme value of the individual. 
 
One wonders how many cases of South African government corruption and mismanagement would have been uncovered by investigative journalists over the past number of years if this Bill in its current form was on the statute books. This Bill represents a backward step from the promise of democracy of having an informed public. The former National Party government had similar laws in place and one does not want to go there again. The infamous Information Scandal in South Africa of some thirty years ago, or Muldergate as it has come to be known, reminds one of what governments can do when it works clandestinely.
 
What South Africans need, is more information on what government structures are doing and how they are doing it with taxpayers’ money, not less information. While information in itself does not equal communication or dialogue, it is an indispensable part thereof, and the need for dialogue based on verifiable information is urgent for meeting vexed challenges facing South African communities. Academics in all fields of specialisation are constantly in need of untainted information to pursue answers and/or offer solutions to where South Africa should be moving in all spheres of life.

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