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06 November 2024 | Story Anthony Mthembu | Photo BORN2SHOOT
inaugural Albie Sachs Prestige Lecture 2024
From the left (back row): Dean of the Faculty of Law, Prof Serges Kamga; Judge of the Supreme Court of Appeal, Justice Nolwazi Mabindla-Boqwana; Deputy Vice-Chancellor: Research and Internationalisation at the University of the Free State (UFS), Prof Vasu Reddy; Project Director of the Albie Collection and Chair of the Albie Sachs Trust (ASCAROL), Vanessa September; and acting Deputy Vice-Chancellor: Academic at the University of the Free State (UFS), Prof Philippe Burger. From the left (front row): Acting Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Free State (UFS), Prof Anthea Rhoda; Emeritus Constitutional Court Justice Albie Sachs; and Chief Justice of South Africa, Mandisa Maya.

The Faculty of Law at the University of the Free State (UFS) hosted the inaugural Albie Sachs Prestige Lecture on the UFS Bloemfontein Campus on 30 October 2024. The lecture – delivered by Emeritus Constitutional Court Justice Albie Sachs – was titled, ‘Who actually wrote the Constitution, and why they gave eleven unelected judges the power to strike down laws and actions of the democratically chosen parliament and president’?

In attendance at the lecture were Chief Justice of South Africa, Mandisa Maya; acting Vice-Chancellor of the UFS, Prof Anthea Rhoda; Judge of the Supreme Court of Appeal, Justice Nolwazi Mabindla-Boqwana; Senior State Advocate, Antoinette Ferreira; Project Director of the Albie Collection and Chair of the Albie Sachs Trust for Constitutionalism and the Rule of Law (ASCAROL), Vanessa September; as well as the Dean of the Faculty of Law, Prof Serges Kamga, among other high-profile guests.

In his opening address, Prof Kamga indicated that the lecture aimed to provide some responses to the core questions about the constitution and constitutionalism in South Africa. As such, Prof Rhoda echoed this sentiment, highlighting that, “when it comes to the events that preceded, surrounded, and followed the drafting and adoption of our country’s constitution, there are few commentators better placed than Judge Albie Sachs”.

The making of the constitution

As part of his lecture, Justice Sachs gave a detailed account of the making of the South African constitution. According to Justice Sachs, a total of 490 members of parliament came together to draft the constitution, which included members of the National Assembly and the Senate. These members had been mandated by 20 million South Africans who wanted a better future. As such, he described that moment as a “huge accomplishment on the part of the liberation movement”.

However, he highlighted that fulfilling this mandate was not an easy task, as it required an enormous amount of thought and mobilisation of legal technology to enable those in power at the time to surrender control of the army, police, and to some extent the economy and law-making, among other aspects. These negotiations resulted in a two-state process of constitution-making, which included the drafting of an interim constitution and the establishment of a parliament that would draft the final constitution.

Justice Sachs indicated that once the constitutional assembly sent the constitutional text to the constitutional court to ensure its compliance with agreed principles, it was found non-compliant in eleven respects, for which they had to find solutions in order for the constitution to be adopted.

As he concluded his address, Justice Sachs underscored his pride in having been involved in what he describes as a wonderfully rich story.

Forging a partnership

Subsequent to the address by Justice Sachs, the Faculty of Law and ASCAROL signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), formalising the Albie Sachs Prestige Lecture as an annual event and allowing further collaboration. In fact, Prof Kamga highlighted that if Justice Sachs was not available to deliver a lecture, the trust would appoint someone in his place. To further solidify this partnership, the faculty was gifted with some of Justice Sachs’ works, including books and other materials, for its library.

Prof Rhoda expressed gratitude for this collaborative effort, saying, “We are grateful to have found such a partner in Justice Albie Sachs and the Albie Sachs Trust. May this relationship continue to blossom and bear fruit – to the benefit of our young leaders of tomorrow.”

News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

Mediaverklaring
Uitgereik deur: Lacea Loader
Mediaverteenwoordiger
Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

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