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19 November 2024 Photo Supplied
Siyanda Magayana
Siyanda Magayana, Senior Officer: Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office, Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice, University of the Free State.

Opinion article by Siyanda Magayana, Senior Officer: Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office, Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice, University of the Free State.


The growing unsafety of women in South Africa

 

As a woman living in South Africa, my daily routine is dictated by more than just work, social gatherings, or errands. It is also significantly dictated by fear; fear of, “will I make it home?”. As a result, I am not the dictator of my life; instead, the world around me shaped and dominated by men dictates how I must live. For instance, before I leave the house, I must make sure that my location is turned on, check in with at least two or more people, giving them details about where I am going, who I am meeting, and what I am wearing. This information serves as a distress signal in case something happens, as though my clothing, location, and/or companions should be catalogued in advance.

Again, as I move through public spaces, I must make sure to deliberately pass places with visible cameras, hoping they might deter anyone who sees me as prey, or at the very least, offer evidence if I were to disappear. In South Africa, and beyond, this is not a unique experience; it is the daily routine and reality for many women. We live on high alert, managing our fear as much as our lives. These steps are not taken out of paranoia but out of necessity, because in a world created for men, women must constantly adapt, shrinking themselves to fit within the boundaries of a system that refuses to protect them.

This is a terrifying reality that has become normal for so many. And the normalisation of such terror speaks to a much deeper global crisis. The world is becoming increasingly unsafe for women, and nowhere is this more apparent than in South Africa, where gender-based violence and femicide (GBVF) have reached epidemic proportions, third-quarter crime statistics 2023/2024 report that, 851 women and 45 men were victims of rape while 137 women and 17 men were sexually assaulted . This is indicative of a global crisis on women’s safety and reality of violence. Subsequently, it reminds us that in world designed for men, women’s safety is not a guaranteed privilege; women are not safe in their homes, not safe walking the streets or in social media spaces.

The biggest question we ought to ask ourselves is why. Why, in an era of supposed progress and world-class continuation are women still subjected to such high levels of violence? Why should women continue to live in fear of their lives? Why, despite all the technological advancements and justice systems, does the world remain a battleground for women’s safety? The simple, yet complex, answer lies in a complex web of factors such as patriarchal norms, inadequate and ineffective legal and justice systems, and social complacency all of which allow violence to thrive. Therefore, we urgently need comprehensive solutions and efforts from all corners of society to address the scourge of violence in our society.

A shift in societal attitudes and norms

The fight against GBVF in South Africa is not just a social issue and law and enforcement issue. It is a phenomenon that requires addressing and shifting entrenched toxic norms and attitudes that perpetuate misogyny and entitlement over women. This fight, has over the years, shown us that we must look beyond the law; as a society, we ought to equally address the prevalent toxic cultural norms that perpetuate male entitlement and misogyny. We live in a society that still socialises and teaches men and boys to believe that they have dominion over women and objectify women’s bodies. This culture is similarly prevalent in all spheres of society, as result, we must invest in fostering a culture of consent education to shift toxic societal attitudes and norms. Institutions such as the media, and all other educational institutions, must likewise invest in a quest to reshape narratives that frequently blame victims and survivors of GBV.

Gaps in the legal and policing system

“Nearly 200 cops found to be perpetrators of GBV,” according to a report on the Domestic Violence Act and Police Station Census conducted between October 2023 and March 2024 . Additionally, the research discovered that “no police station was found to be fully compliant in terms of implementation of the Domestic Violence Act (DVA) across all nine provinces”. Additionally, 59 instances of non-compliance were documented, with Gauteng reporting one, the Western Cape 20 cases, North West 15 cases, and the Free State 23 cases  .GBV is a horrifying reality in the nation, where those who are meant to enforce the law — both individuals and institutions — fail to do so. It is depressing that the very institutions that are supposed to protect against domestic violence (DV) are plagued by significant levels of non-compliance when it comes to reporting cases of DV and offenders inside the system, in a nation that is already dealing with worrisome rates and incidents of GBV. This further illustrates the necessity for the government to do more than make empty promises. The people who are supposed to safeguard us frequently ignore a concerning pattern and culture of violence and non-compliance. For many people, the police and the organisations they are supposed to support, and safeguard have turned into re-traumatising sites. Therefore, laws by themselves are insufficient if they are not upheld or supported by effective and compassionate law enforcement.

16 Days of Activism 2024

The 16 Days of Activism for No Violence against Women and Children Campaign (16 Days Campaign) is a United Nations campaign which takes place annually from 25 November (International Day of No Violence against Women) to 10 December (International Human Rights Day).


Other articles by Magayana

 

Harsh reality of revenge pornography: Time to take a stand against it

Opinion: Uganda’s anti-homosexual legislation erases and silences LGBTQ+ bodies and voices in African communities

How A Focus on Sexual Consent Can Create Safer University Spaces

Opinion: Gender-neutral language and titles can help create a more equitable playing field

News Archive

CR Swart Memorial Lecture: Mr Cecil le Fleur
2006-08-08

Khoe and San call for government to speed up policy dialogue with indigenous communities  

 Mr Cecil le Fleur, leader of the National Khoe-San Consultative Conference and member of the executive management of the National Khoe-San Council, has called for a national policy on indigenous peoples to protect the human rights and special needs of indigenous people in South Africa.

 Mr Le Fleur delivered the 38th CR Swart Memorial Lecture on the Khoe and San at the University of the Free State (UFS).  He commended the UFS for its serious approach to the Khoe and San and for initiating initiatives such as a research project on the Griqua in which various aspects linked to language, -culture, -history, - leadership, their role in the South African community (past and present) and the conservation of their historical cultural heritages will be covered.   

 “The policy dialogue with indigenous communities initiated by government in 1999 and supported by the International Labour Organisation (ILO), has been exceedingly slow, owing to political and bureaucratic problems,” said Mr Le Fleur.

 According to Mr Le Fleur the slow pace is also impacting negatively on the United Nations’ efforts to expand the international standards and mechanisms for human rights so as to include the special needs of indigenous peoples.

 “The successful adoption of a South African policy would probably have a major impact on the human rights culture of Africa and, more specifically, on the UN system,” he said.

 “South Africa has a powerful moral authority internationally and is willing to use this authority in multilateral forums. At this stage, however, South Africa’s Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) may not take an official position on UN instruments and declarations pertaining to indigenous issues, until the Cabinet has resolved its own domestic policy position,” he said. 

 According to Mr le Fleur it therefore came as a great surprise when the DFA brought out a positive vote in the UN for the adoption of the "Draft Declaration on the Rights of indigenous Peoples" in June this year, even before the completion of the policy process. 

 Policy consolidation in South Africa is the primary key to creating a new policy climate in Africa in order to protect the rights of indigenous peoples.  “The existing constitution of the Republic of South Africa is one of the most liberal on the continent, and embraces the concept of redress of past discrimination.  It already includes a clause (Section 6) making provision for the protection of language rights for Khoe and San peoples - the fist peoples of southern Africa,” he said. 

 “If South Africa can effectively integrate this ‘third generation’ of collective rights within an existing democratic constitution, this will send a clear message to Africa and the world that indigenous rights are a necessary component of human and civil rights in modern democracies,” he said.

 Mr Le Fleur proposed an institutional framework based on set principles that would satisfy the needs and aspirations of the Griqua and other first indigenous peoples in South Africa.  “The proposed framework was based on the notion of vulnerability as a result of colonialism and apartheid, which stripped us of our indigenous identity, cultural identity and pride as people.  This injustice can hardly be addressed within the existing mechanisms provided by the current text of the Constitution,” he said.

 Mr Le Fleur also proposed that the principles of unique first-nation status, as recognised in international law, should be applied in the construction of the framework of the constitutional accommodation for the Khoe and San. 

 Mr Le Fleur further proposed that the Khoe and San’s indigenous status in constitutional terms must be separate from the constitutional acknowledgement of their status as a cultural community, as envisaged in sections 185 and 186 of the Constitution of 1996.

 According to Mr Le Fleur, the suggested mechanism should make provision for structures such as:

  •  A statutory representative council for First Indigenous Peoples of South Africa at a national level;
  • a separate Joint Standing Committee on Indigenous and Traditional Affairs, in both the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces on which the Khoe and San can be represented;
  • a representative structure for the Khoe and San in the legislature of each relevant province; and
  • ex officio membership in the relevant structures of local government.

Media release
Issued by: Lacea Loader
Media Representative
Tel:   (051) 401-2584
Cell:  083 645 2454
E-mail:  loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za 
24 August 2006


- Full lecture
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