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19 November 2024 Photo Supplied
Siyanda Magayana
Siyanda Magayana, Senior Officer: Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office, Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice, University of the Free State.

Opinion article by Siyanda Magayana, Senior Officer: Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office, Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice, University of the Free State.


The growing unsafety of women in South Africa

 

As a woman living in South Africa, my daily routine is dictated by more than just work, social gatherings, or errands. It is also significantly dictated by fear; fear of, “will I make it home?”. As a result, I am not the dictator of my life; instead, the world around me shaped and dominated by men dictates how I must live. For instance, before I leave the house, I must make sure that my location is turned on, check in with at least two or more people, giving them details about where I am going, who I am meeting, and what I am wearing. This information serves as a distress signal in case something happens, as though my clothing, location, and/or companions should be catalogued in advance.

Again, as I move through public spaces, I must make sure to deliberately pass places with visible cameras, hoping they might deter anyone who sees me as prey, or at the very least, offer evidence if I were to disappear. In South Africa, and beyond, this is not a unique experience; it is the daily routine and reality for many women. We live on high alert, managing our fear as much as our lives. These steps are not taken out of paranoia but out of necessity, because in a world created for men, women must constantly adapt, shrinking themselves to fit within the boundaries of a system that refuses to protect them.

This is a terrifying reality that has become normal for so many. And the normalisation of such terror speaks to a much deeper global crisis. The world is becoming increasingly unsafe for women, and nowhere is this more apparent than in South Africa, where gender-based violence and femicide (GBVF) have reached epidemic proportions, third-quarter crime statistics 2023/2024 report that, 851 women and 45 men were victims of rape while 137 women and 17 men were sexually assaulted . This is indicative of a global crisis on women’s safety and reality of violence. Subsequently, it reminds us that in world designed for men, women’s safety is not a guaranteed privilege; women are not safe in their homes, not safe walking the streets or in social media spaces.

The biggest question we ought to ask ourselves is why. Why, in an era of supposed progress and world-class continuation are women still subjected to such high levels of violence? Why should women continue to live in fear of their lives? Why, despite all the technological advancements and justice systems, does the world remain a battleground for women’s safety? The simple, yet complex, answer lies in a complex web of factors such as patriarchal norms, inadequate and ineffective legal and justice systems, and social complacency all of which allow violence to thrive. Therefore, we urgently need comprehensive solutions and efforts from all corners of society to address the scourge of violence in our society.

A shift in societal attitudes and norms

The fight against GBVF in South Africa is not just a social issue and law and enforcement issue. It is a phenomenon that requires addressing and shifting entrenched toxic norms and attitudes that perpetuate misogyny and entitlement over women. This fight, has over the years, shown us that we must look beyond the law; as a society, we ought to equally address the prevalent toxic cultural norms that perpetuate male entitlement and misogyny. We live in a society that still socialises and teaches men and boys to believe that they have dominion over women and objectify women’s bodies. This culture is similarly prevalent in all spheres of society, as result, we must invest in fostering a culture of consent education to shift toxic societal attitudes and norms. Institutions such as the media, and all other educational institutions, must likewise invest in a quest to reshape narratives that frequently blame victims and survivors of GBV.

Gaps in the legal and policing system

“Nearly 200 cops found to be perpetrators of GBV,” according to a report on the Domestic Violence Act and Police Station Census conducted between October 2023 and March 2024 . Additionally, the research discovered that “no police station was found to be fully compliant in terms of implementation of the Domestic Violence Act (DVA) across all nine provinces”. Additionally, 59 instances of non-compliance were documented, with Gauteng reporting one, the Western Cape 20 cases, North West 15 cases, and the Free State 23 cases  .GBV is a horrifying reality in the nation, where those who are meant to enforce the law — both individuals and institutions — fail to do so. It is depressing that the very institutions that are supposed to protect against domestic violence (DV) are plagued by significant levels of non-compliance when it comes to reporting cases of DV and offenders inside the system, in a nation that is already dealing with worrisome rates and incidents of GBV. This further illustrates the necessity for the government to do more than make empty promises. The people who are supposed to safeguard us frequently ignore a concerning pattern and culture of violence and non-compliance. For many people, the police and the organisations they are supposed to support, and safeguard have turned into re-traumatising sites. Therefore, laws by themselves are insufficient if they are not upheld or supported by effective and compassionate law enforcement.

16 Days of Activism 2024

The 16 Days of Activism for No Violence against Women and Children Campaign (16 Days Campaign) is a United Nations campaign which takes place annually from 25 November (International Day of No Violence against Women) to 10 December (International Human Rights Day).


Other articles by Magayana

 

Harsh reality of revenge pornography: Time to take a stand against it

Opinion: Uganda’s anti-homosexual legislation erases and silences LGBTQ+ bodies and voices in African communities

How A Focus on Sexual Consent Can Create Safer University Spaces

Opinion: Gender-neutral language and titles can help create a more equitable playing field

News Archive

Academic delivers inaugural lecture on South African foreign policy
2007-08-06

 

In her inaugural lecture Prof. Heidi Hudson from the Department of Political Sciences, focused on the impact that Pan-Africanist sentiments have had on South Africa’s foreign policy. She also put the resulting contradictions and ambiguities into context. At her inaugural lecture were, from the left: Proff. Frederick Fourie (Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS), Heidi Hudson, Engela Pretorius (Vice-Dean: Faculty of The Humanities) and Daan Wessels (Research Associate in the Department of Political Science).
Photo: Stephen Collett

Academic delivers inaugural lecture on South African foreign policy

“We are committed to full participation as an equal partner … opposed to any efforts which might seek to project South Africa as some kind of superpower on our continent. … the people of Africa share a common destiny and must therefore … address their challenges … as a united force...” (Mbeki 1998:198-199).

Prof. Heidi Hudson from the Department of Political Science referred to this statement made by president Mbeki (made at the opening of the OAU Conference of Ministers of Information in 1995) when she delivered her inaugural lecture on the topic: South African foreign policy: The politics of Pan-Africanism and pragmatism.

One of the questions she asked is: “Can the South African state deliver democracy and welfare at home while simultaneously creating a stable, rules-based African community?”

She answers: “South Africa needs to reflect more critically and honestly on the dualism inherent in its ideological assumptions regarding relations with Africa. South Africa will always be expected by some to play a leadership role in Africa. At the moment, South Africa’s desire to be liked is hampering its role as leader of the continent.”

In her lecture she highlighted the ideological underpinnings and manifestations of South Africa’s foreign policy. Throughout she alluded to the risks associated with single-mindedly following an ideologically driven foreign policy. She emphasised that domestic or national interests are the victims in this process.

Prof. Hudson offers three broad options for South Africa to consider:

  • The Predator – the selfish bully promoting South African economic interest.
  • Mr Nice Guy – the non-hegemonic partner of the African boys club, multilaterally pursuing a pivotal but not dominant role.
  • The Hegemon - South Africa driving regional integration according to its values and favouring some African countries over others, and with checks and balances by civil society.

She chooses option three of hegemony. “Politically correct research views hegemony as bad and partnership as good. This is a romanticised notion – the two are not mutually exclusive,” she said.

However, she states that there have to be prerequisites to control the exercise of power. “The promotion of a counter-hegemon, such as Nigeria, is necessary. Nigeria has been more effective in some respects than South Africa in establishing its leadership, particularly in West Africa. Also needed is that government should be checked by civil society to avoid it sinking into authoritarianism. The case of business and labour coming to an agreement over the HIV/Aids issue is a positive example which illustrates that government cannot ignore civil society. But much more needs to be done in this regard. South Africa must also be very careful in how it uses its aid and should focus potential aid and development projects more explicitly in terms of promoting political stability,” she said.

Prof. Hudson said: “It is also questionable whether Mbeki’s Afro-centrism has in fact promoted the interests of ordinary citizens across Africa. Instead, elite interests in some countries have benefited. But ultimately, the single most important cost is the damage done to the moral code and ethical principles on which the South African Constitution and democracy is founded.

“In the end we all lose out. More pragmatism and less ideology in our relations within Africa may just be what are needed,” she said.

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