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19 November 2024 Photo Supplied
Siyanda Magayana
Siyanda Magayana, Senior Officer: Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office, Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice, University of the Free State.

Opinion article by Siyanda Magayana, Senior Officer: Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office, Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice, University of the Free State.


The growing unsafety of women in South Africa

 

As a woman living in South Africa, my daily routine is dictated by more than just work, social gatherings, or errands. It is also significantly dictated by fear; fear of, “will I make it home?”. As a result, I am not the dictator of my life; instead, the world around me shaped and dominated by men dictates how I must live. For instance, before I leave the house, I must make sure that my location is turned on, check in with at least two or more people, giving them details about where I am going, who I am meeting, and what I am wearing. This information serves as a distress signal in case something happens, as though my clothing, location, and/or companions should be catalogued in advance.

Again, as I move through public spaces, I must make sure to deliberately pass places with visible cameras, hoping they might deter anyone who sees me as prey, or at the very least, offer evidence if I were to disappear. In South Africa, and beyond, this is not a unique experience; it is the daily routine and reality for many women. We live on high alert, managing our fear as much as our lives. These steps are not taken out of paranoia but out of necessity, because in a world created for men, women must constantly adapt, shrinking themselves to fit within the boundaries of a system that refuses to protect them.

This is a terrifying reality that has become normal for so many. And the normalisation of such terror speaks to a much deeper global crisis. The world is becoming increasingly unsafe for women, and nowhere is this more apparent than in South Africa, where gender-based violence and femicide (GBVF) have reached epidemic proportions, third-quarter crime statistics 2023/2024 report that, 851 women and 45 men were victims of rape while 137 women and 17 men were sexually assaulted . This is indicative of a global crisis on women’s safety and reality of violence. Subsequently, it reminds us that in world designed for men, women’s safety is not a guaranteed privilege; women are not safe in their homes, not safe walking the streets or in social media spaces.

The biggest question we ought to ask ourselves is why. Why, in an era of supposed progress and world-class continuation are women still subjected to such high levels of violence? Why should women continue to live in fear of their lives? Why, despite all the technological advancements and justice systems, does the world remain a battleground for women’s safety? The simple, yet complex, answer lies in a complex web of factors such as patriarchal norms, inadequate and ineffective legal and justice systems, and social complacency all of which allow violence to thrive. Therefore, we urgently need comprehensive solutions and efforts from all corners of society to address the scourge of violence in our society.

A shift in societal attitudes and norms

The fight against GBVF in South Africa is not just a social issue and law and enforcement issue. It is a phenomenon that requires addressing and shifting entrenched toxic norms and attitudes that perpetuate misogyny and entitlement over women. This fight, has over the years, shown us that we must look beyond the law; as a society, we ought to equally address the prevalent toxic cultural norms that perpetuate male entitlement and misogyny. We live in a society that still socialises and teaches men and boys to believe that they have dominion over women and objectify women’s bodies. This culture is similarly prevalent in all spheres of society, as result, we must invest in fostering a culture of consent education to shift toxic societal attitudes and norms. Institutions such as the media, and all other educational institutions, must likewise invest in a quest to reshape narratives that frequently blame victims and survivors of GBV.

Gaps in the legal and policing system

“Nearly 200 cops found to be perpetrators of GBV,” according to a report on the Domestic Violence Act and Police Station Census conducted between October 2023 and March 2024 . Additionally, the research discovered that “no police station was found to be fully compliant in terms of implementation of the Domestic Violence Act (DVA) across all nine provinces”. Additionally, 59 instances of non-compliance were documented, with Gauteng reporting one, the Western Cape 20 cases, North West 15 cases, and the Free State 23 cases  .GBV is a horrifying reality in the nation, where those who are meant to enforce the law — both individuals and institutions — fail to do so. It is depressing that the very institutions that are supposed to protect against domestic violence (DV) are plagued by significant levels of non-compliance when it comes to reporting cases of DV and offenders inside the system, in a nation that is already dealing with worrisome rates and incidents of GBV. This further illustrates the necessity for the government to do more than make empty promises. The people who are supposed to safeguard us frequently ignore a concerning pattern and culture of violence and non-compliance. For many people, the police and the organisations they are supposed to support, and safeguard have turned into re-traumatising sites. Therefore, laws by themselves are insufficient if they are not upheld or supported by effective and compassionate law enforcement.

16 Days of Activism 2024

The 16 Days of Activism for No Violence against Women and Children Campaign (16 Days Campaign) is a United Nations campaign which takes place annually from 25 November (International Day of No Violence against Women) to 10 December (International Human Rights Day).


Other articles by Magayana

 

Harsh reality of revenge pornography: Time to take a stand against it

Opinion: Uganda’s anti-homosexual legislation erases and silences LGBTQ+ bodies and voices in African communities

How A Focus on Sexual Consent Can Create Safer University Spaces

Opinion: Gender-neutral language and titles can help create a more equitable playing field

News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

Mediaverklaring
Uitgereik deur: Lacea Loader
Mediaverteenwoordiger
Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

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