Latest News Archive

Please select Category, Year, and then Month to display items
Previous Archive
29 November 2024 | Story Prof Mpumelelo Ncube | Photo Supplied
Prof Mpumelelo Ncube
Prof Mpumelelo Ncube is an Associate Professor of Social Work at the University of the Free State.

Opinion article by Prof Mpumelelo Ncube, Head of the Department of Social Work, University of the Free State


As we approach the end of another year, many people take this time to reflect on the successes they have achieved, as well as to appreciate their resilience in overcoming life's challenges. For some, this season of reflection serves as an opportunity to reward themselves for their accomplishments. However, for many others, the festivities become a coping mechanism, masking deeper pain and unresolved trauma.

This year has been marked by several successes, including the simple fact that we are still alive, despite the staggering number of lives lost in the country, but more so, in conflict zones. Countries like Sudan, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Mozambique, Palestine, and Ukraine have endured severe violence, with countless innocent lives taken. In these instances, the human cost continues to mount, making survival a powerful testament to resilience and divine grace in the face of such overwhelming adversity. Life itself is an accomplishment, but for countless individuals, it also carries untold stories of sorrow, stories not just from this year but from previous years as well. Families continue to grieve the loss of loved ones to the COVID-19 pandemic, and many have lost their livelihoods due to the economic downturn that followed. The situation is further exacerbated by South Africa’s unemployment rate, which exceeds 40% (expanded definition), making it increasingly difficult for many individuals to secure new sources of income.

The violence

In addition, South Africa continues to grapple with violence. Families mourn the loss of loved ones to murder — a pain that never truly heals, though families learn to live with it. The country’s murder rate remains alarmingly high, with slight fluctuations in the past five years looking only at the months of April to June across the years. In 2020, COVID-19 restrictions temporarily reduced murders to 3 466, but once the lockdown lifted, the rate surged to 5 760 in 2021, continuing to rise to 6 424 in 2022. Though slightly declining in 2023 and 2024, the numbers are still far too high. This reflects an ongoing crisis that demands stronger interventions, law enforcement, and efforts to address the socio-economic disparities that fuel crime.

Further compounding the year’s challenges, 2024 saw tragic events such as children dying from poisoned food, mass killings in the Eastern Cape, a rise in extortion, and an alarming increase in teenage pregnancies, especially in underprivileged communities. As we close the year, these issues do not vanish. In fact, they may intensify, often hidden beneath the veneer of holiday festivities.

The impact of alcohol

For many, these festivities are synonymous with alcohol consumption. Despite the economic struggles faced by many, a budget for alcohol remains a priority. This may seem counterintuitive, but it highlights the reality of people using alcohol to escape their suffering. Alcohol, like many other substances, becomes a coping mechanism for the trauma that so many endure.

In its 54th conference, the ANC rightly observed a universal phenomenon of alcohol abuse where socially and economically unequal societies tend to have higher levels of substance abuse, particularly alcohol and drugs. The §National Drug Master Plan 2019/24 identifies alcohol as the primary substance abused across racial and class lines in South Africa, largely due to its easy accessibility, affordability, and cultural associations. South Africa ranks among the high alcohol-consuming countries, with an average of 9.3 litres per capita annually, far surpassing the global average of 6.4 litres.

The consumption of alcohol is particularly concerning among young people, who often gain access to alcohol earlier than legally permitted, especially during the festive season. When young people normalise alcohol consumption, it often leads to lifelong addiction, impaired development, and an inability to fully participate in society. Tragically, in some cases, it results in fatal outcomes.

For the broader population, alcohol is often a catalyst for violence, both in public spaces and within homes. It exacerbates gender-based violence (GBV), fuels broken families, perpetuates cycles of poverty and substance abuse, and undermines social cohesion. These issues have plagued South Africa for years, with little success in addressing them.

The festive season is also associated with a rise in road accidents and fatalities, often linked to alcohol consumption. While this is only the tip of the iceberg, it reflects the broader societal damage caused by alcohol. Yet, alcohol continues to be marketed as a symbol of success, sophistication, and enjoyment. While alcohol-facilitated festivities and social gatherings in general may offer fleeting escapism, they ultimately fail to address the profound psychological and emotional wounds that individuals carry. Beneath the veneer of revelry and glamour, these events often leave participants with unhealed scars, merely postponing the inevitable pursuit of the next escapism opportunity. In truth, the industry exploits vulnerable individuals for profit, often masking the harm it inflicts on communities.

Despite the alcohol industry's substantial contribution to South Africa's GDP, a comprehensive cost-benefit analysis reveals that the industry's socioeconomic costs, encompassing both direct and indirect expenditures, as well as intangible externalities, significantly exceed its economic benefits. In the past, studies have shown that alcohol-related harm costs between 10% and 12% of the country’s GDP, while the benefits, including taxes and employment, account for a less than 10%. This disparity calls for a re-evaluation of the country’s relationship with alcohol. It’s a substance that not only fuels violence and the resulting trauma but also undermines the nation’s aspirations for a more prosperous and equitable future for all. We must question whether alcohol is truly indispensable. Does its social, cultural, or economic significance justify the considerable harm it causes to human life?

16 Days campaign

This truly is the time for the country to reconsider its approach to alcohol regulation. There have been ongoing debates about tightening restrictions on alcohol advertising, with proponents arguing that these measures could mitigate the damage caused by the industry. Some have also called for raising the legal drinking age, suggesting that delaying access to alcohol could benefit both individuals and the economy. Additionally, increasing excise duties could make alcohol less accessible, reducing its harmful impact on society. These steps require leaders who prioritise the lives of the people they serve over the profit margins of corporations. Ultimately, this serves as a clarion call to collective action, urging all stakeholders in society including families, faith-based organisations, community groups, educational institutions, and beyond, to assume a shared responsibility for reversing this destructive trend. By doing so, we can break the cycle of harm, mitigate the pervasive psychological and emotional trauma that permeates our society. Afterall, Life should be treated as sacred and worthy of protection and improvement at every opportunity.

In light of all these issues, we are also reminded of the 16 Days of Activism for No Violence against Women and Children Campaign, a global campaign aimed at raising awareness about violence against women and girls. Let this not be a mere rhetorical exercise, but a call to action, one that demands meaningful decisions and interventions to protect vulnerable individuals and build a society free of violence and harm.

Mpumelelo Ncube is an Associate Professor of Social Work at the University of the Free State. He writes in his personal capacity.

News Archive

Media: ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
2006-05-20


27/05/2006 20:32 - (SA) 
ANC can learn a lesson from Moshoeshoe
ON 2004, the University of the Free State turned 100 years old. As part of its centenary celebrations, the idea of the Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture was mooted as part of another idea: to promote the study of the meaning of Moshoeshoe.

This lecture comes at a critical point in South Africa's still-new democracy. There are indications that the value of public engagement that Moshoeshoe prized highly through his lipitso [community gatherings], and now also a prized feature in our democracy, may be under serious threat. It is for this reason that I would like to dedicate this lecture to all those in our country and elsewhere who daily or weekly, or however frequently, have had the courage to express their considered opinions on pressing matters facing our society. They may be columnists, editors, commentators, artists of all kinds, academics and writers of letters to the editor, non-violent protesters with their placards and cartoonists who put a mirror in front of our eyes.

There is a remarkable story of how Moshoeshoe dealt with Mzilikazi, the aggressor who attacked Thaba Bosiu and failed. So when Mzilikazi retreated from Thaba Bosiu with a bruised ego after failing to take over the mountain, Moshoeshoe, in an unexpected turn of events, sent him cattle to return home bruised but grateful for the generosity of a victorious target of his aggression. At least he would not starve along the way. It was a devastating act of magnanimity which signalled a phenomenal role change.

"If only you had asked," Moshoeshoe seemed to be saying, "I could have given you some cattle. Have them anyway."

It was impossible for Mzilikazi not to have felt ashamed. At the same time, he could still present himself to his people as one who was so feared that even in defeat he was given cattle. At any rate, he never returned.

I look at our situation in South Africa and find that the wisdom of Moshoeshoe's method produced one of the defining moments that led to South Africa's momentous transition to democracy. Part of Nelson Mandela's legacy is precisely this: what I have called counter-intuitive leadership and the immense possibilities it offers for re-imagining whole societies.

A number of events in the past 12 months have made me wonder whether we are faced with a new situation that may have arisen. An increasing number of highly intelligent, sensitive and highly committed South Africans across the class, racial and cultural spectrum confess to feeling uncertain and vulnerable as never before since 1994. When indomitable optimists confess to having a sense of things unhinging, the misery of anxiety spreads. It must have something to do with an accumulation of events that convey the sense of impending implosion. It is the sense that events are spiralling out of control and no one among the leadership of the country seems to have a handle on things.

I should mention the one event that has dominated the national scene continuously for many months now. It is, of course, the trying events around the recent trial and acquittal of Jacob Zuma. The aftermath continues to dominate the news and public discourse. What, really, have we learnt or are learning from it all? It is probably too early to tell. Yet the drama seems far from over, promising to keep us all without relief, and in a state of anguish. It seems poised to reveal more faultlines in our national life than answers and solutions.

We need a mechanism that will affirm the different positions of the contestants validating their honesty in a way that will give the public confidence that real solutions are possible. It is this kind of openness, which never comes easily, that leads to breakthrough solutions, of the kind Moshoeshoe's wisdom symbolises.

Who will take this courageous step? What is clear is that a complex democracy like South Africa's cannot survive a single authority. Only multiple authorities within a constitutional framework have a real chance. I want to press this matter further.

Could it be that part of the problem is that we are unable to deal with the notion of "opposition". We are horrified that any of us could become "the opposition". In reality, it is time we began to anticipate the arrival of a moment when there was no longer a single [overwhelmingly] dominant political force as is currently the case. Such is the course of change. The measure of the maturity of the current political environment will be in how it can create conditions that anticipate that moment rather than ones that seek to prevent it. This is the formidable challenge of a popular post-apartheid political movement.

Can it conceptually anticipate a future when it is no longer overwhelmingly in control, in the form in which it currently is and resist, counter-intuitively, the temptation to prevent such an eventuality? Successfully resisting such an option would enable its current vision and its ultimate legacy to our country to manifest itself in different articulations of itself, which then contend for social influence.

In this way, the vision never really dies, it simply evolves into higher, more complex forms of itself. If the resulting versions are what is called "the opposition" that should not be such a bad thing - unless we want to invent another name for it. The image of flying ants going off to start other similar settlements is not so inappropriate.

I do not wish to suggest that the nuptial flights of the alliance partners are about to occur: only that it is a mark of leadership foresight to anticipate them conceptually. Any political movement that has visions of itself as a perpetual entity should look at the compelling evidence of history. Few have survived those defining moments when they should have been more elastic, and that because they were not, did not live to see the next day.

I believe we may have reached a moment not fundamentally different from the sobering, yet uplifting and vision-making, nation-building realities that led to Kempton Park in the early 1990s. The difference between then and now is that the black majority is not facing white compatriots across the negotiating table. Rather, it is facing itself: perhaps really for the first time since 1994. It is not a time for repeating old platitudes. Could we apply to ourselves the same degree of inventiveness and rigorous negotiation we displayed up to the adoption or our Constitution?

Morena Moshoeshoe faced similarly formative challenges. He seems to have been a great listener. No problem was too insignificant that it could not be addressed. He seems to have networked actively across the spectrum of society. He seems to have kept a close eye on the world beyond Lesotho, forming strong friendships and alliances, weighing his options constantly. He seems to have had patience and forbearance. He had tons of data before him before he could propose the unexpected. He tells us across the years that moments of renewal demand no less.

  • This is an editied version of the inaugural Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture presented by Univeristy of Cape Town vice-chancellor Professor Ndebele at the University of the Free State on Thursday. Perspectives on Leadership Challenges In South Africa

 

We use cookies to make interactions with our websites and services easy and meaningful. To better understand how they are used, read more about the UFS cookie policy. By continuing to use this site you are giving us your consent to do this.

Accept