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29 November 2024 | Story Prof Mpumelelo Ncube | Photo Supplied
Prof Mpumelelo Ncube
Prof Mpumelelo Ncube is an Associate Professor of Social Work at the University of the Free State.

Opinion article by Prof Mpumelelo Ncube, Head of the Department of Social Work, University of the Free State


As we approach the end of another year, many people take this time to reflect on the successes they have achieved, as well as to appreciate their resilience in overcoming life's challenges. For some, this season of reflection serves as an opportunity to reward themselves for their accomplishments. However, for many others, the festivities become a coping mechanism, masking deeper pain and unresolved trauma.

This year has been marked by several successes, including the simple fact that we are still alive, despite the staggering number of lives lost in the country, but more so, in conflict zones. Countries like Sudan, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Mozambique, Palestine, and Ukraine have endured severe violence, with countless innocent lives taken. In these instances, the human cost continues to mount, making survival a powerful testament to resilience and divine grace in the face of such overwhelming adversity. Life itself is an accomplishment, but for countless individuals, it also carries untold stories of sorrow, stories not just from this year but from previous years as well. Families continue to grieve the loss of loved ones to the COVID-19 pandemic, and many have lost their livelihoods due to the economic downturn that followed. The situation is further exacerbated by South Africa’s unemployment rate, which exceeds 40% (expanded definition), making it increasingly difficult for many individuals to secure new sources of income.

The violence

In addition, South Africa continues to grapple with violence. Families mourn the loss of loved ones to murder — a pain that never truly heals, though families learn to live with it. The country’s murder rate remains alarmingly high, with slight fluctuations in the past five years looking only at the months of April to June across the years. In 2020, COVID-19 restrictions temporarily reduced murders to 3 466, but once the lockdown lifted, the rate surged to 5 760 in 2021, continuing to rise to 6 424 in 2022. Though slightly declining in 2023 and 2024, the numbers are still far too high. This reflects an ongoing crisis that demands stronger interventions, law enforcement, and efforts to address the socio-economic disparities that fuel crime.

Further compounding the year’s challenges, 2024 saw tragic events such as children dying from poisoned food, mass killings in the Eastern Cape, a rise in extortion, and an alarming increase in teenage pregnancies, especially in underprivileged communities. As we close the year, these issues do not vanish. In fact, they may intensify, often hidden beneath the veneer of holiday festivities.

The impact of alcohol

For many, these festivities are synonymous with alcohol consumption. Despite the economic struggles faced by many, a budget for alcohol remains a priority. This may seem counterintuitive, but it highlights the reality of people using alcohol to escape their suffering. Alcohol, like many other substances, becomes a coping mechanism for the trauma that so many endure.

In its 54th conference, the ANC rightly observed a universal phenomenon of alcohol abuse where socially and economically unequal societies tend to have higher levels of substance abuse, particularly alcohol and drugs. The §National Drug Master Plan 2019/24 identifies alcohol as the primary substance abused across racial and class lines in South Africa, largely due to its easy accessibility, affordability, and cultural associations. South Africa ranks among the high alcohol-consuming countries, with an average of 9.3 litres per capita annually, far surpassing the global average of 6.4 litres.

The consumption of alcohol is particularly concerning among young people, who often gain access to alcohol earlier than legally permitted, especially during the festive season. When young people normalise alcohol consumption, it often leads to lifelong addiction, impaired development, and an inability to fully participate in society. Tragically, in some cases, it results in fatal outcomes.

For the broader population, alcohol is often a catalyst for violence, both in public spaces and within homes. It exacerbates gender-based violence (GBV), fuels broken families, perpetuates cycles of poverty and substance abuse, and undermines social cohesion. These issues have plagued South Africa for years, with little success in addressing them.

The festive season is also associated with a rise in road accidents and fatalities, often linked to alcohol consumption. While this is only the tip of the iceberg, it reflects the broader societal damage caused by alcohol. Yet, alcohol continues to be marketed as a symbol of success, sophistication, and enjoyment. While alcohol-facilitated festivities and social gatherings in general may offer fleeting escapism, they ultimately fail to address the profound psychological and emotional wounds that individuals carry. Beneath the veneer of revelry and glamour, these events often leave participants with unhealed scars, merely postponing the inevitable pursuit of the next escapism opportunity. In truth, the industry exploits vulnerable individuals for profit, often masking the harm it inflicts on communities.

Despite the alcohol industry's substantial contribution to South Africa's GDP, a comprehensive cost-benefit analysis reveals that the industry's socioeconomic costs, encompassing both direct and indirect expenditures, as well as intangible externalities, significantly exceed its economic benefits. In the past, studies have shown that alcohol-related harm costs between 10% and 12% of the country’s GDP, while the benefits, including taxes and employment, account for a less than 10%. This disparity calls for a re-evaluation of the country’s relationship with alcohol. It’s a substance that not only fuels violence and the resulting trauma but also undermines the nation’s aspirations for a more prosperous and equitable future for all. We must question whether alcohol is truly indispensable. Does its social, cultural, or economic significance justify the considerable harm it causes to human life?

16 Days campaign

This truly is the time for the country to reconsider its approach to alcohol regulation. There have been ongoing debates about tightening restrictions on alcohol advertising, with proponents arguing that these measures could mitigate the damage caused by the industry. Some have also called for raising the legal drinking age, suggesting that delaying access to alcohol could benefit both individuals and the economy. Additionally, increasing excise duties could make alcohol less accessible, reducing its harmful impact on society. These steps require leaders who prioritise the lives of the people they serve over the profit margins of corporations. Ultimately, this serves as a clarion call to collective action, urging all stakeholders in society including families, faith-based organisations, community groups, educational institutions, and beyond, to assume a shared responsibility for reversing this destructive trend. By doing so, we can break the cycle of harm, mitigate the pervasive psychological and emotional trauma that permeates our society. Afterall, Life should be treated as sacred and worthy of protection and improvement at every opportunity.

In light of all these issues, we are also reminded of the 16 Days of Activism for No Violence against Women and Children Campaign, a global campaign aimed at raising awareness about violence against women and girls. Let this not be a mere rhetorical exercise, but a call to action, one that demands meaningful decisions and interventions to protect vulnerable individuals and build a society free of violence and harm.

Mpumelelo Ncube is an Associate Professor of Social Work at the University of the Free State. He writes in his personal capacity.

News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

Mediaverklaring
Uitgereik deur: Lacea Loader
Mediaverteenwoordiger
Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

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