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29 April 2025 | Story Dr Sello Sele | Photo Supplied
Dr Sello Sele GBV Article
Dr Sello Sele, Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, University of the Free State

In recent weeks, South Africa has once again been rocked by cases of gender-based violence (GBV) that have revealed an absurd contradiction in the public’s reaction towards each of these cases. The most harrowing incident involves the alleged assault of a now eight-year-old girl, referred to as Cwecwe, at Bergview College in Matatiele in the Eastern Cape. In stark contrast is the acquittal of Nigerian televangelist Timothy Omotoso, who faced multiple rape and kidnapping charges, which sparked a wave of celebration and jubilation among his followers, many of them women. This juxtaposition brings to light the serious absurdity among South Africans regarding GBV, specifically sexual violence, in this case. As such, this reveals what can only be described as glaring double standards.

Horror and urgency vs celebration

The case of Cwecwe, who was allegedly sexually assaulted at her school, ignited a massive outcry nationwide. The public’s reaction was one of horror and urgency as the details of the assault came to light. The #JusticeForCwecwe campaign gained traction, with social media platforms ablaze with calls for justice and accountability. The Eastern Cape Department of Education acted swiftly by deregistering the school involved, citing its failure to protect the young girl and being uncooperative towards the investigative process. The message from the public was clear: those who perpetrate violence against children must face the full might of the law.

Contrast this with the acquittal of Omotoso, a case which has caused an equally profound public reaction, but one that is far more troubling. Omotoso, who had been accused of grooming and raping young women over years, was acquitted by the Eastern Cape High Court following a long and highly publicised trial. The judge ruled that the prosecution had failed to prove its case beyond a reasonable doubt. A large number of Omotoso’s followers, many of them women, erupted in celebration. Some even described his acquittal as a ‘victory’ for the faithful.

The stark contrast in the reactions to the two cases cannot be ignored. On the one hand, the public called for justice for a young girl whose life was forever changed by a violent assault, demanding that those responsible be held accountable. On the other hand, a group of men and women celebrated the acquittal of a man who had been accused of using his position of power to exploit and abuse vulnerable young women. What is happening here? Is this an example of the hypnotic effect religious leaders have over their followers?

 

The opium of the people

One might ask, how can women, many of whom would undoubtedly identify with victims of sexual violence, proudly rally behind a man accused of perpetrating such crimes? The answer lies, in part, in the complex relationship between power, belief, and religion (particularly in the context of South Africa's so-called miracle churches). In the case of Omotoso, his followers see him not as a perpetrator but as a martyr, a man whose innocence was denied by the justice system they believe is unjust. They chose to ignore the testimonies of the young women who accused him of abuse, instead placing their faith in their pastor’s word.

Karl Marx’s assertion that “religion is the opiate of the masses” remains highly relevant in this context. These words reflect the view that religion can function as a mechanism to pacify and distract the oppressed, offering them solace and hope while suppressing their capacity for critical thought and action. In the case of Omotoso’s acquittal, this quote seems to ring true for many of his followers, who, rather than questioning the credibility of the accusations against him, placed unwavering faith in their pastor's innocence. To them, his acquittal became not just a legal victory, but a spiritual one, reinforcing their belief in the miraculous power of their religious leader.

The quote further highlights the broader function of religion in the lives of those who feel marginalised or oppressed. South Africa’s miracle churches, which often promise ‘deliverance’ from poverty, illness, and personal hardship, provide a sense of hope and empowerment to many. Yet, this hope can also come at a high price, particularly when the faith placed in religious leaders becomes a tool for enabling abuse. The case of Omotoso is just one of many examples in which religious power has been misused, and the celebration of his acquittal illustrates how easily a religious narrative can overshadow the moral clarity needed in the face of sexual violence.

 

Deeper societal issue

South Africa’s miracle churches have long been a source of controversy, particularly when allegations of sexual abuse and exploitation emerge within these religious communities. Bishop Stephen Zondo, another prominent figure in the religious realm, offers a stark parallel. Zondo, the leader of the Rivers of Living Waters Ministries, was accused of sexually abusing women who encountered him for spiritual reasons. Despite the accusations, his followers continued to defend him, viewing him not as a perpetrator but as a victim of false allegations. Like Omotoso’s followers, Zondo’s supporters turned a blind eye to the claims of sexual abuse, prioritising their faith in their pastor over the safety and dignity of the victims.

The responses to the Cwecwe case and the Omotoso acquittal are not just examples of legal inconsistencies but are a deeper societal issue. In South Africa, where GBV is rampant, the public's reaction to these cases exposes double standards to what is morally right and what is socially, religiously or ideologically convenient. The case of Cwecwe calls for swift action, demanding justice for a defenceless child. The case of Omotoso, however, underscores how deeply entrenched power and religious influence can obscure appropriate reactions to social injustice, regardless of the many victims involved in their lamenting voices.

News Archive

Inaugural lecture: Prof. Phillipe Burger
2007-11-26

 

Attending the lecture were, from the left: Prof. Tienie Crous (Dean of the Faculty of Economic and Management Sciences at the UFS), Prof. Phillipe Burger (Departmental Chairperson of the Department of Economics at the UFS), and Prof. Frederick Fourie (Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS).
Photo: Stephen Collet

 
A summary of an inaugural lecture presented by Prof. Phillipe Burger on the topic: “The ups and downs of the South African Economy: Rough seas or smooth sailing?”

South African business cycle shows reduction in volatility

Better monetary policy and improvements in the financial sector that place less liquidity constraints on individuals is one of the main reasons for the reduction in the volatility of the South African economy. The improvement in access to the financial sector also enables individuals to manage their debt better.

These are some of the findings in an analysis on the volatility of the South African business cycle done by Prof. Philippe Burger, Departmental Chairperson of the University of the Free State’s (UFS) Department of Economics.

Prof. Burger delivered his inaugural lecture last night (22 November 2007) on the Main Campus in Bloemfontein on the topic “The ups and downs of the South African Economy: Rough seas or smooth sailing?”

In his lecture, Prof. Burger emphasised a few key aspects of the South African business cycle and indicated how it changed during the periods 1960-1976, 1976-1994 en 1994-2006.

With the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as an indicator of the business cycle, the analysis identified the variables that showed the highest correlation with the GDP. During the periods 1976-1994 and 1994-2006, these included durable consumption, manufacturing investment, private sector investment, as well as investment in machinery and non-residential buildings. Other variables that also show a high correlation with the GDP are imports, non-durable consumption, investment in the financial services sector, investment by general government, as well as investment in residential buildings.

Prof. Burger’s analysis also shows that changes in durable consumption, investment in the manufacturing sector, investment in the private sector, as well as investment in non-residential buildings preceded changes in the GDP. If changes in a variable such as durable consumption precede changes in the GDP, it is an indication that durable consumption is one of the drivers of the business cycle. The up or down swing of durable consumption may, in other words, just as well contribute to an up or down swing in the business cycle.

A surprising finding of the analysis is the particularly strong role durable consumption has played in the business cycle since 1994. This finding is especially surprising due to the fact that durable consumption only constitutes about 12% of the total household consumption.

A further surprising finding is the particularly small role exports have been playing since 1960 as a driver of the business cycle. In South Africa it is still generally accepted that exports are one of the most important drivers of the business cycle. It is generally accepted that, should the business cycles of South Africa’s most important trade partners show an upward phase; these partners will purchase more from South Africa. This increase in exports will contribute to the South African economy moving upward. Prof. Burger’s analyses shows, however, that exports have generally never fulfil this role.

Over and above the identification of the drivers of the South African business cycle, Prof. Burger’s analysis also investigated the volatility of the business cycle.

When the periods 1976-1994 and 1994-2006 are compared, the analysis shows that the volatility of the business cycle has reduced since 1994 with more than half. The reduction in volatility can be traced to the reduction in the volatility of household consumption (especially durables and services), as well as a reduction in the volatility of investment in machinery, non-residential buildings and transport equipment. The last three coincide with the general reduction in the volatility of investment in the manufacturing sector. Investment in sectors such as electricity and transport (not to be confused with investment in transport equipment by various sectors) which are strongly dominated by the government, did not contribute to the decrease in volatility.

In his analysis, Prof. Burger supplies reasons for the reduction in volatility. One of the explanations is the reduction in the shocks affecting the economy – especially in the South African context. Another explanation is the application of an improved monetary policy by the South African Reserve Bank since the mid 1990’s. A third explanation is the better access to liquidity and credit since the mid 1990’s, which enables the better management of household finance and the absorption of financial shocks.

A further reason which contributed to the reduction in volatility in countries such as the United States of America’s business cycle is better inventory management. While the volatility of inventory in South Africa has also reduced there is, according to Prof. Burger, little proof that better inventory management contributed to the reduction in volatility of the GDP.

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