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Vusumzi Gqalane
Vusumzi Gqalane, Transition Academic Advisor: Advising, Access and Success: Student Learning Communities (CAALC), Centre for Teaching and Learning, University of the Free State.

Opinion article by Vusumzi Gqalane, Transition Academic Advisor: Advising, Access and Success: Student Learning Communities (CAALC), Centre for Teaching and Learning, University of the Free State.


In an era of uncertainty, as the world stands on the brink of global instability such as political conflicts, economic isolations, and environmental crises, President Cyril Ramaphosa delivered his State of the Nation Address (SONA) on 6 February 2025 — a speech brimming with dreams of development, reform, growth, and transformation. With passion, he set the tone with a decisive declaration: “We will not be bullied.” This was a resolute response to foreign pressures, particularly aimed at US President Donald Trump, showing South Africa's steadfast posture on the global stage.

Yet, as he outlined his ambitious plans to re-energise the economy by 3% and implement sweeping policy changes, I couldn’t help but hear echoes of past promises — unfulfilled pledges that linger like shadows over his leadership. In a time when actions must speak louder than words, will Ramaphosa’s vision translate into the tangible change South Africa desperately needs? Or will it be another chapter in a story of unkept commitments?

GNU and SONA

Following the formation of the Government of National Unity (GNU) after the 2024 national elections, President Ramaphosa was expected to deliver a SONA that reflected the interests of GNU partners, despite their ideological differences. The address came amid political and ideological tensions among the partner members.

Before SONA, the African National Congress (ANC) appeared to be gaining ground with its policy initiatives, including the implementation and signing of the BELA Bill into law under the Democratic Alliance (DA) Minister of Basic Education, the advancement of the National Health Insurance (NHI) project, and the signing of the Expropriation Bill into law. The DA, however, claimed it had not been consulted on these decisions and even threatened a walkout. In the lead-up to SONA, there was mounting pressure on GNU partners, particularly the DA, to find common ground ahead of the Cabinet Lekgotla held last week. The Lekgotla was intended to shape the medium-term development plan, which serves as the government’s programme of action for the next five years and ultimately informs the President’s SONA.

Based on the reactions of some GNU partners during the SONA, the president’s commitments regarding the privatisation, Eskom, and infrastructure development, as well as post-address reflections by political and GNU parties, it is evident that the DA has strategically positioned itself, gradually advancing its interests while playing a significant “opposition” role in the GNU partnership. The DA asserts that Ramaphosa is aligning with their manifesto. Meanwhile, Rise Mzansi welcomed the inclusion of their proposals, particularly on the privatisation of water infrastructure, while the GOOD Party also expressed support for Ramaphosa. Conversely, the Freedom Front Plus (FF-Plus) strongly criticised the President, arguing that the SONA was filled with empty promises and condemning his stance on land expropriation, BELA, and the NHI, which they believe are detrimental to South Africa.

The ANC now finds itself in a precarious position, forced to compromise with neoliberal forces within the GNU, particularly the DA, at the potential expense of its historic alliance with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). The inclusion of pro-business/privatisation policies championed by these right-wing elements directly contradicts the socialist principles that have long guided the ANC’s working-class mandate. This uneasy balancing act — appeasing conservative coalition partners while maintaining its commitment to economic justice and social transformation —risks weakening the ANC’s ideological foundation and alienating the very communities that have stood by it in the struggle for economic emancipation. In the meantime, it seems that all the GNU’s parties are putting electoral factors ahead of genuine growth goals. Despite positioning itself as the leader of a unified government, the ANC's primary goal is to win back the trust of voters in preparation for the coming elections. Despite its promises to keep an eye on ANC mistakes, the DA is more interested in using the GNU as a platform to establish itself as a viable governing alternative in 2029. Instead of influencing significant policy changes, smaller parties like the GOOD Party, IFP, UDM, Rise Mzansi, and others are using their participation to increase their awareness.

Era of promises

Year after year, South Africans have been met with bold commitments, huge projects, and big ambitions for a brighter future. Each SONA has promised progress on issues such as rebuilding and economic recovery, as well as combating corruption and youth unemployment. Yet, for millions, these words remain just that: promises. The cycle continues: commitments are made, faith is sparked, and then reality strikes — unemployment remains, infrastructure deteriorates, and inequality grows. This is an era of promises, where rhetoric rises but people wait.

From 2018’s emphasis on rebuilding and investment to 2019’s Thuma Mina call for justice and economic growth, the rhetoric has been strong, but the material conditions of the people remain largely unchanged. By 2020, accountability and state capture took centre stage, with the President acknowledging the deep rot of corruption within state-owned enterprises like Prasa and SAA. Yet, despite the bold pledge to fix commuter rail and modernise infrastructure, public transport remains in crisis, and Eskom’s dysfunction continues to suffocate economic growth. The 2021 economic recovery plan was overshadowed by deepening inequality and massive corruption, which the government claimed to be fighting.

By 2022, the President again stood before the nation, declaring war on corruption and governance failures, yet these very challenges persisted. Infrastructure investment and job creation were mentioned, but real opportunities remained out of reach for the majority. In 2023, the focus shifted to national Challenges, with economic revitalisation and youth unemployment taking centre stage. Once again, programmes were promised to integrate young people into the workforce, yet the lived reality of millions remained one of joblessness and despair.

Then came 2024, with Tintswalo — a supposed intervention in youth unemployment and infrastructure modernisation. Yet, instead of accountability, the nation was fed a narrative of guilt — told to be grateful for “the child of democracy” rather than demanding the economic justice and radical transformation that the people deserve.

I strongly believe that the GNU is less about genuine partnership and more about political survival, with the ANC using its historical power to push through controversial policies while its partners, notably the DA, struggle to exercise substantial influence. The pressures building up to SONA, particularly before the Cabinet Lekgotla, were expected to induce compromise, but the DA's contribution looks to be more symbolic than substantial. If this pattern continues, the GNU risks becoming a fragile arrangement in which ideological diversity is just symbolic and performative, and practical decision-making remains firmly driven by political expediency rather than national development. Instead of fostering collaboration for the country’s progress, the GNU may simply become a battleground for parties to position themselves favourably for the next highly anticipated election, leaving South Africans caught in the middle of a government dictated more by electoral calculations than by effective governance.

Plenty of rhetoric but little action

Once again, we find ourselves at the end of another speech full of repeated promises and high rhetoric, yet the people’s primary struggles remain unresolved. The President began his speech with bold phrases, as he often does, but nonchalantly overlooked the situations that require immediate solutions. Nothing was spoken about what had happened in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and put the nation into confidence about the safety of our soldiers. There was no clear view of South Africa’s role in a more unpredictable global order, especially in light of growing influence of the US and pressures on our foreign policy.

Coming home, the silence on budget cuts to higher education is astonishing. While the President spoke repeatedly about young unemployment and economic inclusion, he forgot to address the thousands of pupils who have been left stranded without university placements by a system that continues to favour the rich. Infrastructure modernisation was promised again. Job creation was promised again. The struggle against corruption was reaffirmed —once again. However, South Africans understand these promises have been made before, and nothing will change.

We are not in a transformational and reform era; rather, we are locked in one of promises, with plenty of rhetoric but little action. The question is, how long will the people wait?


Other articles by Vusimuzi Gqalane

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Volksblad: Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture
2006-05-27

27 Mei 2006

Moshoeshoe het mense saamgebind
KONING MOSHOESHOE kon bewys dat verskeidenheid ’n bindende eienskap kan wees. Dit blyk ’n sleutelbeginsel van sy leierskap te wees – en dit is nie ’n maklike een om te begryp nie.

Jy bereik die grootste eenheid tussen onderskeidende entiteite waar jy relatief vrye ruimte aan hulle gee om hul eiesoortige kenmerke na vore te bring.

Dít blyk uit prof. Njabulo Ndebele se gedenklesing oor koning Moshoeshoe.
Lesotho; het; onder Moshoeshoe se leierskap mense van verskeie dele van die subkontinent gelok.
Dié mense het hierheen gevlug van die verwoesting wat as lifaqane bekend geword het toe Shaka sy koninkryk met militêre onderwerping verstewig het.

Ndebele het gesê daar is algemene ooreenkoms dat die oorloë wat hieruit gespruit het, die maatskaplike grondslae van talle samelewings in Suider-Afrika geskud het.

“Dit was in dié konteks dat Moshoeshoe leierskap getoon het.”
Prof. Frederick Fourie, rektor en visekanselier van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat (UV), het gesê die lesing vorm deel van ’n groter debat oor leierskapmodelle, veral die konsep van Afrika-leierskap, en die voortgesette diskoers oor nasiebou en versoening.

Die Moshoeshoe-projek is in 2004 aan die UV begin om met Suid-Afrika se eerste dekade van demokrasie saam te val.
Die projek was deel van die UV se eeufeesvieringe in 2004.
Met dié projek word geprobeer om ’n groot Afrika-leier te vereer en die UV se verbintenis tot transformasie te toon sodat ’n ware inklusiewe en nie-rassige universiteit geskep kan word.

“As die stigter van die Basoeto-nasie, word daar wyd erkenning aan koning Moshoeshoe vir sy buitengewone leierskapstyl gegee.

“Diplomasie, versoening en vreedsame naasbestaan is van die kenmerke van sy leierskap, soos getoon in sy pogings om verskillende groepe in een nasie te verenig,” sê Fourie.

KONING MOSHOESHOE, een van Afrika se eertydse groot leiers. Hy is meer as 130 jaar gelede dood. Foto: verskaf

Waarde van openbare spraak ‘nou bedreig’
AANDUIDINGS bestaan dat die waarde van openbare spraak wat hoog deur koning Moshoeshoe van Lesotho op prys gestel is, nou onder ernstige bedreiging kan wees.

Om dié rede dra hy die koning Moshoeshoe-gedenklesing op aan al dié mense in Suid-Afrika en elders wat die moed het om hul oorwoë mening uit te druk oor belangrike sake wat die samelewing in die gesig staar, het prof. Njabulo Ndebele, visekanselier van die Universiteit van Kaapstad, gesê.

Ndebele, wêreldbekende skrywer, het gesê dié lesing kom op ’n kritieke punt in Suid-Afrika se nuwe demokrasie.
Dié lesing, om die buitengewone nalatenskap van een van Afrika se groot leiers te eer, is eergisteraand op die kampus van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat (UV) gelewer en het ’n staande toejuiging deur ’n groot gehoor uitgelok.

Ndebele het gesê die mense wat hul menings uitdruk oor belangrike sake, kan rubriekskrywers, redakteurs, kommentators, alle soorte kunstenaars, akademici, koerantbriefskrywers, nie-gewelddadige optoggangers met plakkate en strokiesprentkunstenaars wees “wat ’n spieël voor ons oë sit”.

“Selfs wanneer hulle dit waag op heilige gebied, soos sommige strokiesprentkunstenaars onlangs gedoen het, herinner hulle ons net dat selfs die heilige misbruik kan word vir doeleindes wat min met heiligheid te doen het.

“Dit is hul manier om ons te help, dalk meer diepsinnig as wat ons besef, om daardie einste ruimte van heiligheid in ons lewe te bewaar.

“Hulle verdiep ons insigte deur ons begrip te verdiep.
“Dit is gepas om hul dapperheid te vier,” het Ndebele gesê.
“Hulle herinner ons dat leierskap nie al is wat ons doen wanneer ons in ’n sekere magsposisie geplaas is om ’n organisasie of ’n sekere instelling te stuur nie.”

Hy het gesê onder die mense wat gevier moet word, sluit hy nie dié in wat deur haatspraak ander aanhits om geweld te pleeg; teen; mense; wat hul andersdenkende menings lug nie.

“Dit is nie met dapperheid dat hulle aanhits nie, maar weens hul toevlug tot die narkotiese beskerming van die skare.”

Mense voel glo ál kwesbaarder
Vise-kanselier lewer Moshoeshoe-gedenklesing
’n TOENEMENDE aantal hoogs intelligente, sensitiewe en toegewyde Suid-Afrikaners oor die klas-, ras- en kulturele spektrum heen bely dat hulle – soos nog nooit tevore nie – onseker en kwesbaar voel sedert 1994.

Só het prof. Njabulo Ndebele, vise-kanselier van die Universiteit van Kaapstad, gesê in die Universiteit van die Vrystaat (UV) se eerste koning Moshoeshoe-gedenklesing.

Die onderwerp was Reflections on the leadership challenges in South Africa.
Wanneer ontembare optimiste beken hulle voel dinge is van stryk, versprei die naarheid van angs. “Dit moet iets te doen hê met ’n ophoping van gebeure wat die gevoel van dreigende inploffing oordra.”

’n Gevoel heers dat Suid-Afrika ’n baie komplekse samelewing het wat liewer eenvoudige, gesentraliseerde beheer voortbring in die hoop dat dienslewering dan beter en vinniger gedryf kan word. Die kompleksiteit van beheer word dan in ’n enkele struktuur van gesag gevestig, eerder as in die afgewentelde strukture soos wat in die Grondwet beoog word.

Dat die afgewentelde strukture nie hul grondwetlik-gedefinieerde rolle verwerklik nie, moenie toegeskryf word aan die mislukking van die beheermeganisme nie.

“Dit is te vroeg om te sê dat wat ons sedert 1994 bereik het, nie gewerk het nie,” het Ndebele gesê.
Dit lyk of ’n kombinasie van omstandighede tot die “gevoel van ontknoping” lei.
“Ek wil dit vermy om te sê: ‘Kyk na Khutsong’, asof u sal verstaan wat ek bedoel wanneer ek sê u moet na Khutsong kyk.”
Sulke kennis lei tot wanhoop, want dit roep ’n werklikheid op wat só oorweldigend is dat dit fatalisties kan wees.
Ndebele het gesê niks kon meer vreesaanjaend wees as toe ’n komplot van die Boeremag oopgevlek en sekere Boeremaglede aangekeer is nie.

Sekere Boeremaglede het van ’n maksimum-sekuriteit-tronk ontsnap. “Sover ek weet, is hulle nie weer gevang nie.
“Wat is gedoen om die gaping te oorbrug?” was een van sy vrae hieroor.
“Van só ’n belangrike saak weet die publiek nie baie nie. Die karige kommunikasie kan die gevaarlike boodskap uitdra dat óf niks gedoen word nie, óf die staat in dié saak misluk.”

Hy het gevra: “Hoekom het die kwessie van munisipale afbakening tot die situasie in Khutsong gelei? Dit lyk of die probleem voortgaan, sonder ’n oplossing in sig.”

’n Aantal soortgelyke, oënskynlik plaaslike rebellies het oor die land heen plaasgevind. “Is hier ’n patroon?”
Ndebele het na die onlangse verhoor van oud-adj.pres. Jacob Zuma, wat van verkragting aangekla was, verwys.
Dié drama blyk ver van oor te wees. Dit beloof “om ons almal sonder verligting te hou, in ’n toestand van angs”.
Die gemene draad van dié gebeure is die gevoel van ’n oneindige spiraal van probleme wat vertroue tap. Daar kan ’n sterk suggestie in al dié gebeure wees “dat ons dalk nooit sosiale samehang in Suid-Afrika gehad het nie...”

“Wat ons sekerlik oor dekades gehad het, is ’n mobiliserende visie. Kan dit wees dat die mobiliserende visie onder die gewig van die werklikheid en omvang van maatskaplike heropbouing kraak en dat die legitieme raamwerk om oor dié probleme te debatteer ineenstort?”

‘Swart mense staar hulself in die gesig’
DIE swart meerderheid staar homself nou in die gesig: dalk werklik vir die eerste keer sedert 1994.
Só het prof. Njabulo Ndebele gesê toe hy die koning Moshoeshoe-gedenklesing by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat in Bloemfontein gelewer het.

Hy het gesê dit lyk of Suid-Afrika ’n meganisme nodig het om selfvertroue te bou.
Deur dié meganisme “kan ons die situasie waarin ons is, erken, wat dit ook al is”.
“Ons het ’n meganisme nodig wat die verskillende posisies van die mededingers sal bevestig en hul eerlikheid sal bekragtig op ’n manier wat die publiek vertroue sal gee dat werklike oplossings moontlik is.”

Dit is dié soort “openheid wat nooit maklik kom nie”, wat lei tot deurbraak-oplossings.
Ndebele het gesê ’n komplekse demokrasie soos Suid-Afrika s’n kan nie oorleef met ’n enkele gesag nie.
Net veelvuldige owerhede binne ’n grondwetlike raamwerk “het ’n ware kans”.
“Kan ’n deel van die probleem wees dat ons nie in staat is om die idee van ‘opposisie’ te hanteer nie?
“Ons is verskrik dat enige van ons ‘die opposisie’ kan word.
“Dit is tyd dat ons die koms voorsien van ’n oomblik wanneer daar nie meer ’n enkele, oorweldigende, dominante politieke mag is soos wat nou die geval is nie.”

Ndebele het gesê: “Ek glo ons het dalk ’n oomblik bereik wat nie fundamenteel verskillend is nie van die ontnugterende, tóg hartversterkende nasiebourealiteite wat gelei het tot Kemptonpark in die vroeë jare negentig.”

“Die verskil tussen toe en nou is dat die swart meerderheid nie nou na wit landgenote oor die onderhandelingstafel kyk nie.

“Die swart meerderheid staar homself in die gesig: dalk werklik vir die eerste keer sedert 1994.”
Dit is weer “tyd vir visie”, het Ndebele gesê.

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