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Budget Speech Opinion 2025
Dr Ambrosé du Plessis and Terrance Molobela, Lecturers in the Department of Public Administration and Management, University of the Free State.

Opinion article by Dr Ambrosé du Plessis and Terrance Molobela, lecturers from the Department of Public Administration and Management, University of the Free State.


The mechanistic administrative cog stemming from the sixth administration, through which policy development and implementation took place, has created a false sense of reality regarding the African National Congress (ANC)’s authoritative position in South Africa’s political landscape. The notion that the ANC remains the central political force in the country is increasingly proving to be a fallacy, especially in the face of the changing dynamics within the so-called Government of National Unity (GNU). Even though President Cyril Ramaphosa dutifully signed off on key legislative acts such as the National Health Insurance (NHI), the Basic Education Laws Amendment (BELA), and the Expropriation acts, the ANC, and indeed the broader GNU, have grossly underestimated the complexities of coalition politics.

One of the clearest illustrations of this miscalculation was the latest budget ‘negotiations’, which exposed the growing fractures within the governing coalition. With the budget tabled just two hours before presentation, it became evident that the coalition parties – especially the ANC – are facing a harsh political reality. In a move that has shocked GNU parties, the decision to raise value-added tax (VAT) by 2% has turned into a bone of contention. This cutthroat measure, aimed at generating an additional R58 billion, has sparked fierce opposition from within the very government it seeks to support. The bitter VAT debate has led to a near standstill in the budget process, with some GNU parties staunchly opposing it, while others view it as a necessary evil.


New can of worms

The proposal to raise VAT is indicative of a deeper issue. It is, quite frankly, a regressive measure in an economy already battling a cost-of-living crisis. Raising VAT disproportionately impacts the lower and middle classes, who spend a higher percentage of their income on consumption. This move is naïve at best. VAT might raise substantial sums, but it does little to stimulate the economy or promote productivity, both of which are sorely needed to grow South Africa’s GDP and reverse the country’s economic downturn. At this moment in time, the country cannot afford to further burden a shrinking tax base.

In addition, the VAT conundrum has opened a new can of worms. The Democratic Alliance’s (DA) publicly proposed budget goes beyond the initial 2% VAT increase, challenging the secrecy with which the failed budget was concluded. More importantly, it questions the political and financial ideological foundation on which the initial budget was compiled by the ANC, led by Minister of Finance Enoch Godongwana. There can be no doubt that the DA’s shadow budget, particularly its cost-containment measures, has thrown a spanner in the works of a deep administrative state. At this juncture, the lingering question is – can the true Minister of Finance please step forward? With various proposed budgets from the GNU parties, one can only wonder if the GNU is now officially facing a Pinocchio dilemma. This identity crisis emerged when the ANC indicated that it would now turn to the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) – who also opposes the 2% VAT increase – to approve the budget, although the EFF recently rejected the call for negotiations with the ANC and considered it a general discussion. From this stance, it is clear that the coalition game will be played both within and outside the borders of the GNU.

One cannot help but ponder how divergent political ideologies and principles are affecting government expenditure and revenue collection. Gone are the days when the ANC held a dominant, almost unquestionable position in government, able to dictate the terms of the national budget. Today, the ANC's reduced majority has forced it into an awkward position of compromise and negotiation, with the Minister of Finance increasingly serving as a ceremonial figure rather than an authoritative decision-maker. In years past, the State of the Nation Address (SONA) and the subsequent budget speech were seamless events under ANC leadership. But now the budget process has become an all-consuming political battleground, with ideological differences and party interests shaping every decision.

GNU a ‘death sentence’

The ANC's once-solidified grasp on the country's governance is now being tested in ways the party never anticipated. The ruling coalition is no longer a harmonious entity, but a group of political adversaries forced into uneasy alliances for the sake of governance. The impact of this fractured cooperation is glaringly evident in the stalling of critical national decisions such as the budget. What was once a party-centred process where consensus was driven by a unified political party, has now become a multi-party endeavour marked by negotiation, delay, and endless political wrangling.

Reflecting on the experience of the 1996 Government of National Unity led by Nelson Mandela, one sees a stark contrast. Despite hostilities within the tripartite alliance, that government was still able to implement policies and drive the country forward. However, the current GNU coalition partners have yet to demonstrate a similar level of cooperation and trust. In fact, the words of former Deputy President FW de Klerk seem eerily prophetic today. In his 1996 resignation statement, De Klerk described the GNU as a ‘death sentence’ for a meaningful government consensus. He feared that continued participation in the coalition would weaken the National Party’s influence and undermine democratic governance.

In many ways, these words echo the current state of the GNU. The budget process has become a metaphor for a government on the brink of collapse. Consultation among the political parties within the GNU has become a source of paralysis rather than progress. The government’s inability to align itself on critical issues such as the national budget, which totals more than R2 trillion, raises serious questions about its ability to move forward.

The so-called marriage of inconvenience between the coalition partners appears increasingly centred on securing positions rather than creating policies to address the pressing needs of South Africa’s citizens. The budget, a document that should have been a focal point of discussion since the formation of the coalition, has been delayed until the 11th hour. This delay in addressing the country’s fiscal needs points to a broader failure within the GNU. The South African economy, already battered by years of stagnation and underperformance, cannot afford further dithering.

The contemporary GNU, much like the former one in 1996, may have reached its breaking point. The promise of multi-party democracy and consensus-based governance is being undermined by the very factions that have come together in the name of unity. It is hard to escape the conclusion that the continued negotiations around the budget have become a form of political ‘death row’ for the current administration, with no clear path forward. As South Africa teeters on the edge of a political and economic crisis, the time for a new direction, grounded in pragmatism and focused on national interests, has never been more urgent. As South Africa stands at a critical juncture, with the deadline of 12 March 2025 rapidly approaching, the political landscape is poised for a moment of truth. Reports have indicated that the cabinet has reached an agreement on the finality of the budget, but conflicting statements from political leaders, particularly from the DA, suggest that this agreement is not yet a certainty. DA leader John Steenhuisen has publicly declared that no final agreement has been reached and that the parties are still working towards a resolution. For the country, the stakes could not be higher.

This raises significant questions about the future of coalition governance and the state of South Africa's fragile political economy. Several plausible scenarios could unfold, each with distinct consequences for the political stability and economic viability of the nation.

Scenario 1: A unified agreement – A lifeline for the political economy

In the first scenario, we imagine that the cabinet's agreement is genuine, aimed at averting risks to public confidence and the broader market. If the market-driven partners within the GNU recognise the overwhelming importance of a stable budget, they may choose to align their interests. With political stability hanging in the balance, the realisation may set in that South Africa is simply ‘too big to fail.’ This would, in theory, prevent a collapse into chaos, as the GNU partners, acknowledging the nation's susceptibility to political upheaval, would avoid creating conditions for widespread instability.

While this scenario seems like the ideal outcome, history suggests that political cooperation within the GNU has often been fraught with difficulty. The question is whether these partners can truly put national interests before political rivalries.

Scenario 2: The ANC’s secret deal – A recipe for distrust?

Alternatively, there is the possibility that the African National Congress (ANC) has reached a clandestine agreement with the EFF behind the backs of their coalition partners. This scenario would fracture the GNU, erode trust, and create a toxic environment of distrust in coalition governance. If the ANC manages to secure its hold on power, it risks alienating the markets, which would likely lead to a downward economic spiral. The longer this instability persists, the more vulnerable the country will become to a potentially catastrophic collapse in investor confidence.

Scenario 3: DA’s contradiction – The death of coalition unity

In a third possible scenario, the DA contradicts the agreement reached by the cabinet, exposing the extent of disunity within the GNU. This situation would further highlight the lack of trust among coalition partners, and the DA might find itself either paralysed within the coalition, or removed entirely, or even decide to withdraw from the GNU. This shift would trigger an intense debate about South Africa’s continued political economic stability.

South Africa’s economy, already vulnerable to shocks, would find itself in even deeper turmoil if this scenario were to play out. The markets would respond negatively, and the ripple effect would undoubtedly extend to the lives of everyday South Africans.

The real impact on South Africans

Regardless of which scenario unfolds, one thing is certain: the consequences for South Africa’s citizens will be profound. The allocation of funds to government institutions, provinces, and municipalities is likely to be severely affected by any political instability. Without a clear and stable budget, public services will suffer, leading to disruption in the functioning of provincial governments and municipalities. This, in turn, would delay public spending, putting vital services at risk and exacerbating the inequalities, poverty, and unemployment that already plague the country.

News Archive

UFS committed to transformation
2005-02-23

UFS committed to transformation

The management of the University of the Free State (UFS) takes note that plans are being made to stage a student protest at the UFS main campus on Monday 28 February 2005 .

This is in line with a concerted national campaign to highlight the issue of transformation at higher education institutions.

At this stage the UFS management has not received any application from student formations to stage such a protest at the main campus in Bloemfontein .

The UFS upholds the right of all staff and students to hold legal, non-violent protests and in this spirit encourages the student formations to apply for permission to hold their protest. However, the UFS management has been - and always will be willing to discuss the important issue of transformation of the UFS with staff unions and student formations.

Again the UFS management appeals to student formations to make use of this open door policy and not to adopt a confrontational position. In fact the management and the Senate of the UFS have come out in support of a new phase of transformation at the UFS.

In his speech at the official opening of the UFS earlier this month (on 4 February 2005 ), the Rector and Vice-Chancellor, Prof Frederick Fourie, announced that a comprehensive transformation plan for would be drafted for the UFS.

This Transformation Plan would address issues such as:

  • a new institutional culture for the UFS
  • the need for representivity in the staffing of the UFS
  • ensuring relevance of curricula for the South African and African context
  • enhancing excellence in the overall academic life of the UFS
  • ensuring greater interaction among black and white students and staff
  • addressing outstanding issues in the incorporation of the Qwaqwa and Vista campuses, among others

Concerning some of the issues that are being put forward to motivate for a protest march, the UFS would like to highlight the following facts:

  1. The situation at the Qwaqwa campus
  • It is not true that the UFS has decided to close down the Qwaqwa campus. This is a complete falsehood. The campus was incorporated into the UFS in January 2003 and since then every effort is being made to ensure the viability of the Qwaqwa campus.
  • In fact the UFS has just upgraded residences at the Qwaqwa campus – to the tune of R6,8-million.
  • In addition, another R1,4-million has been set aside for the upgrading of other facilities on the Qwaqwa campus.
  • More staff has been appointed and the library is acquiring more books etc.
  • The management of the UFS wants to assure staff at the Qwaqwa campus once again that there has been no decision to close the campus.
  • We realise that the incorporation of the campus into the UFS has given rise to certain fears and concerns, but these are being addressed, including the question of reporting lines of staff and the further delegation of powers to the head of the Qwaqwa campus, Prof Peter Mbati.
  1. The situation at the Vista campus
  • A number of processes are currently under way to address outstanding issues following the formal incorporation of the Vista campus into the UFS in January 2004.
  • This includes the integration of former Vista staff into the UFS as well as the alignment of the conditions of service of the former Vista staff with the UFS conditions of service.
  • Indeed, over the last few weeks, a climate of trust has been developing and a number of meetings have taken place in contrast to the situation that obtained at the end of 2004.
  • Just last week, the Rector reassured the Vista Task Team representing the former Vista staff that these staff members are indeed part of the UFS staff complement.
  • When the Vista campus was incorporated into the UFS, it was agreed that no new first years would be registered there, so as to avoid duplication with the main campus which is only a few kilometers away.
  • Instead, those students who were registered as Vista students at the time of incorporation (January 2004) would be allowed to complete their studies.
  • In terms of this agreement another process of consultation with key stakeholders on and off campus would be initiated to determine how the physical facilities of Vista could be used to contribute to educational and skills provision in the region and the province.
  • This process is still in its early stages and no final decision has been made regarding the long term strategic reconfiguration of the Vista campus.
  • In any case, as stated by the Rector, former Vista staff do not have to fear about their work security as this is not dependent on the future use of Vista campus – the two issues are not related.
  1. Financial aid for students at the Qwaqwa campus
  • Concerning financial aid to students at Qwaqwa, the UFS has to date (that is up to 22 February 2005 ) made available R25 000 each to 705 students.
  • That amounts to R17,6 million.
  1. Financial aid for students at the Vista campus
  • Concerning financial aid to students at Vista , the UFS has to date (that is up to 22 February 2005 ) made available R14 500 each to 104 students.
  • That amounts to R1,5 million.
  1. Registration
  • The registration processes at both these campuses are not yet completed. So final figures are not yet available.
  • What we can say so far, is that 1339 students have registered at the Qwaqwa campus and that more are expected to register. At Vista , 545 students have registered so far, and more are expected to do so.
  • In an effort to assist students during the registration process, management has put in place a structure which is called the Monitoring Committee.
  • This Monitoring Committee provides counseling on courses of study but also sorts out problems relating to academic fees, etc.
  • This is how the UFS management in a concrete way gives expression to its commitment to broadening access for academically deserving students.
  1. Alleged racism
  • There have recently been unsubstantiated allegations of racism leveled at the UFS.
  • We would like to state unequivocally, that the UFS does not and will not tolerate racism in any way.
  • There are policies and procedures in place to deal with such allegations and those who feel aggrieved should bring this to the attention of the Director of Diversity, Mr Billyboy Ramahlele.
  • The UFS also has sensitisation programmes for staff and students to assist in bringing about a truly non-racial, non-sexist, inclusive, multicultural and multilingual campus.

.

  1. Conclusion
  • The UFS management remains committed to the further transformation of the institution so that it can play its role in supporting the goal of a non-racial, democratic South Africa united in its diversity.
  • We are committed to the successful incorporation of the Vista and Qwaqwa campuses and to the speedy resolution of all outstanding issues facing staff and students on these campuses.
  • We appeal once again to staff and students on these campuses, who are indeed members of the broader UFS community, to play a constructive role in the debate about the strategic direction of the UFS and all its campuses.

 

Issued by: Mr Anton Fisher

Director: Strategic Communication

Cell: 072-207-8334

Tel: 051-401-2749

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