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Siyanda Magayana
Siyanda Magayana, Senior Officer: Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office, Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice, UFS.

Opinion article by Siyanda Magayana, Senior Officer: Gender Equality and Anti-Discrimination Office, Unit for Institutional Change and Social Justice, University of the Free State.


The world is experiencing a surge in backsliding on human rights, particularly for women and marginalised individuals and communities. Across the continent, hard-won freedoms are being stripped away, raising the question – whose rights really matter? From Iran to Africa, to Afghanistan to the United States, we are witnessing a systematic erosion of rights for women and gender-diverse persons under the guise of culture, religion, sovereignty, tradition, and political convenience.

 

In Afghanistan, for instance, the Taliban’s return to power has led to the near-total eradication of women from the country’s public life, i.e., banning them from the workplace, from getting an education, restricting how they dress, and even banning them from public spaces without a male guardian. In addition, in Iran, we see the brutalisation of women protesting for bodily autonomy following the death of Mahsa Amini, highlighting the deadly consequences of gender oppression. Even in so-called liberal democracies such as the US – the repeal of Roe vs Wade, which highlighted the fragility of women’s rights as governments roll back on reproductive rights and freedoms.

Africa, as a continent, is not exempt from this wave of regression. For instance, in Sudan, the continuing conflict has disproportionately affected women, with various reports of sexual violence growing. Even in stable democracies, restrictive abortion laws and patriarchal traditions continue to suppress women’s agency and autonomy. This regression is not just a legal one, but also cultural, as it is sustained by prevailing societal norms and standards that uphold gender inequality.

A justification for these setbacks is often the manipulation of culture and religion, seeking to enforce outdated and discriminatory gender roles. Followed by arguments such as ‘our forefathers had no problem with women not working because they supported them’, or ‘men are the heads of the household, as stated in religious and cultural teachings’, are used to defend and justify the systemic oppression of women’s and other vulnerable groups’ rights. These endemic narratives not only ignore the varying socio-economic realities that demand women’s and other diverse groups’ economic participation but also dismiss their agency. When culture and religion are weaponised to justify oppression and violence, they stray far from their true essence, which is compassion, mutual respect, and justice.

LGBTQI rights under threat

Beyond the regression in women’s rights, the LGBTQI+ community faces escalating persecution. For instance, Uganda’s anti-homosexuality act, which includes harsh penalties – even the death sentence – for same-sex relationships, reflects an alarming trend of state-sponsored homophobia. Similarly, this can be seen in Ghana, where proposed legislation seeks to criminalise LGBTQI+ identities entirely. These policies not only deny people their basic right to humanity but also embolden violence and discrimination against non-heterosexual individuals.

This regression is not limited to African nations. In countries such as Russia, for instance, LGBTQI+ activists are silenced through outdated laws, while in the US, there is an evident rise of anti-trans laws. These laws and targeted attacks on marginalised communities are evidence of a broader and more insidious attempt to control, erase, and dictate identity, behaviour, and personal rights and freedoms.

The question of masculinity, fear, and the regression of rights

A key driver of this regression and repression is the ‘masculinity anxiety’ or ‘crisis of masculinity’, which is the perception that traditional masculinity is being challenged, threatened, or devalued in modern society. This anxiety may stem from global cultural shifts regarding gender roles, the advancement of women’s rights, and the protection of gender-diverse people, which are often framed as attacks on traditional masculinity and male authority. Many men, for instance, conditioned by patriarchal systems, feel displaced when women gain independence and when gender roles evolve beyond rigid binaries.  This fear manifests in resistance to gender equality, as well as the vilification of LGBTQI+ individuals.

However, this perception is deeply flawed and problematic. Masculinity does not and should not rely on the oppression of others. Men are not made weaker by women’s empowerment or by the protection of LGBTQI+ rights, as is the current rhetoric; on the contrary, societies that support gender equality and inclusivity are more stable, humane, and safer. The discourse around masculinity must shift from one of dominance and control to one of mutual respect, partnership, and shared progress.

Therefore, instead of clinging to outdated notions of manhood, we need conversations that redefine masculinity in a way that embraces emotional intelligence, care, and the ability to exist alongside women and gender-diverse individuals without feeling threatened. Initiatives promoting positive masculinity, mentorship for (young) men, and education on gender equity are critical to dismantling these harmful fears and replacing them with a framework and discourse that sees strength in equality rather than opposition to it.

The impact of rights regression

The regression in human rights has profound consequences, both at a local and global level. When women are denied access to education, reproductive rights, and economic opportunities, the entire economy is susceptible to stagnation and/or collapse. And, where LGBTQI+ rights are criminalised, there is a risk of repealing the freedom of expression, leading to increased systemic and individual violence, discrimination, and harassment. The Global South, in particular, is vulnerable to these backward shifts, as weakened legal protections and entrenched conservative ideologies and practices make it difficult to push back against state repression.

In South Africa, for example, the regression of women’s rights is manifesting in a particularly violent manner. GBV and sexual violence have reached crisis levels, threatening the very existence of women; femicide incidents are also among the highest globally. The failure to address these crimes reflects a broader societal problem, which is the normalisation of violence against women and gender- and sexually diverse individuals, and subsequently, the lack of accountability for perpetrators. When women and other vulnerable groups live in constant fear for their safety, their freedoms are curtailed, and the promise of gender equality becomes hollow rhetoric.

What can be done?

As a nation, we must refuse to be silent and to be silenced; human rights are critical to the prosperity of not just the nation’s economies, but also its people. Civil organisations, institutions of education, grassroots movements, and other relevant stakeholders must continue to resist the removal of the rights of women and marginalised groups. Additionally, we need to change the narrative; the rights of women, children, LGBTQI+, and other marginalised groups are not foreign or ‘Western’ concepts imposed on Africa, they are universal human rights. By framing equality and freedom within African values and discourse, we can challenge regressive ideologies from within.

Equally, education remains our most powerful tool, therefore we must continue to invest in teaching about creating an equal, safe, just, and tolerant society that ensures that the next generation does not repeat the mistakes of the past. The global retreat of human rights is a warning sign to all of us; if we do not act now, the freedoms and rights we take for granted today may not exist tomorrow.

News Archive

Association of Former SRC Presidents – first of its kind
2013-08-19

 

Some of the former SRC presidents who attended the inaugural dinner were, from the left: Roelf Meyer, Bloemfontein Campus 1970; Dr More Chakane, Qwaqwa Campus 1990; vice-chairperson of the AFSP; Dr Anchen Laubscher, first woman president of the Bloemfontein Campus 2003; and Prof Voet du Plessis, Bloemfontein Campus 1967/8.
Photo: Stephen Collett
19 August 2013

The University of the Free State (UFS) made history this weekend with the establishment of its Association of Former SRC Presidents (AFSP) – the first association of its kind after the merging and incorporation of public institutions in 2003–2004.

Twenty-two former SRC presidents attended the inaugural dinner to launch the association on Women's Day, Friday 9 August 2013, and recognised especially the attendance of all four female presidents that previously chaired the SRC. Other guests included former rectors and chairpersons of the UFS Council, as well as chairpersons of the Alumni.

The attending presidents served during the period 1967–2012, either at the former University of the Orange Free State (UOFS), the Qwaqwa Campus of the former University of the North, South Campus of the former Vista University and the University of the Free State.

“Your very personal narratives as former student leaders during the troubled past of our history in South Africa matter most as you design the questions for and purpose of an authentic conversation with student leaders today – this will set your association apart from others," said Rudi Buys, Dean of Student Affairs.

Former SRC president of 1975/6 and now founding member and chairperson of the association, Dr Michiel Strauss, said that this is the opportunity for former student leaders to give back to the younger generation.

“It is true that many middle-aged white South Africans have a deep sense of debt and obligation towards the youth of our country. We owe them an apology for the discrepancies of the past. This apology should be more than just words. Deeds of reconciliation and restitution must be seen.

“As for myself; I was president of the SRC of the then UOFS in the same period in which the biggest part of the youth of South Africa suffered so much in their struggle for freedom in our country.

“In my personal capacity, as well as in my official capacity as SRC president, I did nothing to try and understand and/or co-operate in the struggle of my peers. This fact haunts me until this day.

“The question then for people like me and so many others, is: Where do I invest my time and energy and passion for this country? Where will my contribution make a real difference? There is no better answer to this burning question than to invest in the human resources in our beloved South Africa, and more focused – to invest in the young people.

“There is something meaningful and beautiful happening at the UFS and it is now a leader in academic standards, reconciliation, leadership formation and nation building. I can think of no better place to make my small contribution,” Dr Strauss said.

“As former student leaders, we have a sense of purpose to contribute to the university and there is no better time to start than now. It is my privilege to be part of this great initiative and I look forward to what will be achieved,” said Dr More Chakane, deputy chairperson of AFSP and former SRC president of the Uniqwa Campus of the University of the North in 1990 (now the Qwaqwa Campus of the UFS).

Roelf Meyer, known for the prominent role he played in the negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa and chairperson of the Civil Society Initiative (CSI) of South Africa, said his time as a leader at the university has given him the opportunity to apply and use his skills and experience and share it with the new leaders of the institution. "The UFS is highly regarded because of the exceptional standards and excellence portrayed by its senior leadership. Where I can make a difference, I'll do it with pleasure and pride," he said. Meyer served as SRC president in 1970.

The association met on Saturday 10 August 2013 to adopt its interim constitution and consider operational matters, while also reaching agreement on its core functions in support of its purpose to transfer change leadership skills to incumbent student leaders and mediate meaningful contributions of Alumni to the growth of the university.

“We greatly value the declared intention of AFSP to work with the university to design meaningful and sustainable mentorship programmes to support and guide student leaders on campus, and have pledged our support in this regard,” said Buys.

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