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31 August 2020 | Story Dr Chitja Twala
R Chitja Twala
Dr Chitja Twala is the Vice Dean in the Faculty of The Humanities.

In the 1940s, the then (Orange) Free State produced a crop of female leaders whose role in the liberation struggle is unknown – or rather, for whatever reason – ‘neglected’. Among these leaders was one Moipone Martha Motlhakwana. Testimony to the above was an article published by the Mail and Guardian on 25 August 2016 under the heading 60 Iconic Women – The people behind the 1956 Women’s March to Pretoria. In this article, only four lines are dedicated to her, contrary to what has been written about other leaders, such as Lilian Ngoyi, Lizzy Abrahams, Lucy Mvubelo, and many others. This is an indication of the possible ‘neglect’ in highlighting the role played by other women in places such as the Free State. In this article, I argue that Motlhakwana’s role in the liberation struggle was by no means minimal, compared to the leaders mentioned above. 

When one evaluates her role and contribution to the struggle, it is important to always keep in mind the context of the time and the scope of possibilities that were available to the liberation movements. This article briefly examines her role at a crucial time when Motlhakwana’s beloved movement, the African National Congress (ANC), is experiencing its most difficult and trying times since coming to power in 1994.

The Defiance Campaign

Motlhakwana was born into the Makabane family in Leqwala in the Thaba Nchu district on 23 December 1906. She was a devoted Christian. Being a Christian did not prevent her from participating fully in politics. Long before the 1956 anti-pass march, Motlhakwana was instrumental in organising the 1952 Defiance Campaign in Bloemfontein. Meetings for organising this campaign were held in an open space where the Paradise Hall in Bochabela Location in Bloemfontein is situated today. She led a women’s support group demanding the release of those arrested and jailed in the Ramkraal Prison in Bloemfontein. It became known to the Special Branch that her house was, at the time, used as the ANCWL’s ‘headquarters’ in town; therefore, the house was monitored and kept under police surveillance.

Motlhakwana also participated in the 1956 anti-mass march to Pretoria. In the Bloemfontein area, she mobilised people in the burning of passes. Her fearless organising strategies earned her a nickname in the community as Motabola Pasa or Mochesa Pasa (the one instrumental in tearing of the dompas or the one burning the passes). She was among the people who were arrested and detained during the Treason Trial. After being acquitted, she was placed under house arrest. Together with her friend in the struggle, Pretty Molatole, they were involved in establishing the ANCWL in Bloemfontein. Most of the league’s meetings were held at Motlhakwana’s place. She used to travel around the province to establish ANCWL branches in places such as Bethlehem, Ficksburg, and Thaba Nchu, to name a few. It was during this period in the mid-1950s that she worked closely with the leaders of the ANC in Bloemfontein, such as Jacob B Mafora, Caleb Motshabi, and Leslie Monnenyane.

In her honour

In honour of her contribution to the liberation struggle in South Africa and not only in the Free State, a tombstone was unveiled at the Phahameng Cemetery, adjacent to the Heroes’ Acre, on Thursday 5 January 2012; this unveiling coincided with the centenary celebrations of the ANC as the oldest liberation movement in Africa. Addressing the masses during the unveiling of the tombstone, the Chairperson of the ANCWL in the Free State and the current Premier, Sisi Ntombela, stated: “Most people have the concept that the anti-pass march started in Johannesburg in 1956, but that is not the case because the first march was started in the province by women such as Motlhakwana and Mei Likotsi and others who were leaders at the time, and mobilised the women for the march. As we unveiled the Motlhakwana tombstone, we also discovered that her grandchildren have kept the passes of those women whom she organised at that time. She made sure that women were developed, not only in politics but also in trade unionism. The Free State is the centre where everything started; this year [2012] is the ANC Centenary, but next year we will be holding the ANCWL Centenary for the Free State women.”

Owing to illness, Motlhakwana passed away on Thursday 27 July 1989. She was buried in the Phahameng ‘Magengenene’ Cemetery in Bloemfontein, not far from the Heroes’ Acre.

There are many women of Motlhakwana’s political stature in the Free State, whose histories should be documented in the form of biographies.

News Archive

Protection of Information bill- opinions from our experts
2011-11-28

Prof. Hussein Solomon
Senior Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Free State. 

In recent years, given their failure to effectively govern, the ANC has become increasingly defensive. These defensive traits have become particularly acute in light of the various corruption scandals that members of the ruling party involve themselves in.
 
Given the fact that for now they are assured of an electoral majority (largely on account of their anti-apartheid credentials), coupled with the fact that they have managed to make parliament a rubber stamp of the executive as opposed to holding the executive accountable, it is the media which has increasingly held the ruling party to account by exposing such corruption and incompetence in government.
 
The passing of the information bill, therefore, is not merely an attack on the media, but an attack on the pivotal issue of accountability. Without accountability, there can be no democracy.
 
By defining national interest broadly, by refusing to accept a public interest clause in the bill, the ANC increasingly shows its disdain to South Africa's constitution and its citizens.
 
More importantly, as former Minister of Intelligence and ANC stalwart Ronnie Kasrils pointedly makes clear, the ANC is also betraying its own noble struggle against the odious apartheid regime. It was the media which played a key role in exposing apartheid's excesses, it is the same media which is coming under attack by the heirs of PW Botha's State Security Council - Minister of State Security Siyabong Cwele and his security apparatchiks whose mindsets reflect more Stalin's Gulag's than the values of the Freedom Charter.
 
The passing of this bill is also taking place at a time when journalists have had their phones attacked, where the judiciary has been deliberately undermined and parliament silenced.
 
Democrats beware!

 
Prof. Johann de Wet
Chairperson: Department of Communication Science 
 
The ANC’s insistence on passing the Protection of State Information Bill in its current form and enforcing it by law, means that the essence of our democratic state and the quality of life of every citizen is at stake.
 
Yes, our freedom as academics, researchers, mass media practitioners and citizens comes into play. Freedom implies the right to choose and is, along with equality, an underlying principle which helps make democracy happen. While the South African state needs to protect (classify) information which could threaten its security and/or survival, the omission of a public interest clause in the Bill at this stage effectively denies a citizen the right to freedom of information.
 
 Freedom of information, along with press freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of association and religious freedom, are essential to democracy. These freedoms are granted because they conform to basic liberal ideas associated with (Western) democracy and which resonate with South Africa’s liberal constitution, such as (1) belief in the supreme value of the individual (and thus not of the state); (2) belief that the individual has natural rights (rights which belong to all human beings by nature – such as the right to life and to control government)) which exist independently of government, and which ought to be protected by and against government; and (3) recognition of the supreme value of the individual. 
 
One wonders how many cases of South African government corruption and mismanagement would have been uncovered by investigative journalists over the past number of years if this Bill in its current form was on the statute books. This Bill represents a backward step from the promise of democracy of having an informed public. The former National Party government had similar laws in place and one does not want to go there again. The infamous Information Scandal in South Africa of some thirty years ago, or Muldergate as it has come to be known, reminds one of what governments can do when it works clandestinely.
 
What South Africans need, is more information on what government structures are doing and how they are doing it with taxpayers’ money, not less information. While information in itself does not equal communication or dialogue, it is an indispensable part thereof, and the need for dialogue based on verifiable information is urgent for meeting vexed challenges facing South African communities. Academics in all fields of specialisation are constantly in need of untainted information to pursue answers and/or offer solutions to where South Africa should be moving in all spheres of life.

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