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22 February 2022 | Story Leonie Bolleurs | Photo Leonie Bolleurs
smallholding symposium
Talking about the future of smallholder farming in South Africa, were from the left: Prof Linus Franke, Prof Philippe Burger, Dr Qinisani Qwabe, and Prof Ken Giller.

On 17 February 2022, the Department of Soil, Crop, and Climate Sciences at the University of the Free State (UFS) presented a symposium on the future of smallholder farming in South Africa on its Bloemfontein Campus. Head of the department, Prof Linus Franke, says with this symposium they aim to contribute to a change in the conversation about smallholder farming. 

Prof Philippe Burger, Pro-Vice-Chancellor: Poverty, Inequality and Economic Development at the UFS, presented on The forgotten: South Africa’s former Bantustans today. He believes in 30 years – although the first democratically elected government introduced new labour legislation, abolished the Bantustans, and created a single non-racial education system – not much has changed for the former Bantustans.

“Communal land in South Africa, mostly the former homelands such as the Transkei, Ciskei, and Bophuthatswana, is today trust land that are managed by traditional leaders. With the 2011 census, it was found that a large part of the population is still living on traditional land (32%),” he says.

According to his data, the number of people depending on subsistence farming has increased from 1 767 000 to 2 285 000 in the past ten years. 

The deeply poor, traditional leaders, and tenure rights

He says he does not believe that South Africa is only two nations in one, as was stated by former President Thabo Mbeki, but three. “There are the rich and poor in cities, with the poor still being predominantly black, and then there are the people living in what is euphemistically called deep-rural areas, basically the former homelands. There, the poor are even poorer than in the cities and they are virtually all black. And the ones who benefit in these deep-rural areas, are the traditional leaders.”

He believes that the poverty we see in communal areas can be largely linked to the lack of tenure rights. “People live and work on the land, but even though the constitution states that they should have tenure rights, they do not have tenure security. Thus, they cannot use tenure rights to leverage themselves to a better financial position,” he explains. 

The literature on tenure reforms, according to Prof Burger, boils down to one of three options. Firstly, individual titling of land where individuals farm on pieces of communal land allocated to them or their families, but without a title deed to the land. 

In the scenario of individual titling, it is impossible for people to sell land or to use it as collateral to obtain investment loans. He says in the Mystery of Capital, Hernando de Soto proposes the allocation of title deeds to individuals, thereby allowing them to use the land as capital to improve their lives. “It is, however, not the best solution because of overlapping use rights,” he states.

The other two options are a combination of communal ownership and small-scale farming, and a combination of communal ownership and large-scale commercial farming. Prof Burger says the two-tier system of titling is a better solution. “Here, the land is communal and the use rights to the land are recognised in the law. With recognised use rights, small-scale farmers can offer future income from their land as security to get loans,” he adds. 

However, according to him, what is also needed is the design of an economic ecosystem within which small-scale farmers can operate, proper education for the youth can take place, and extension services and training of farmers can be provided. “Government, the private sector, and universities can play a role.”

He also believes that democratising control over communal land – taking power from the chiefs and putting it in the hands of the community – will take away control from the chiefs, without denying them their constitutional right to have a role in society. “They will have a role in terms of tradition, belief, and culture, while control of the land will then reside with the people living on the land.”

“It is time that we bring the everyday life of the people living on communal land also into democratic South Africa. It needs to be done in such a way that it will improve their well-being,” Prof Burger concludes. 

A food security conundrum and small-scale commercial farmers 

Taking a step back to talk about smallholder farmers in sub-Saharan Africa, was Prof Ken Giller from the Department of Plant Production Systems at Wageningen University in the Netherlands. The title of his presentation, Smallholder farmers in Sub-Saharan Africa: Stepping up, stepping out and hanging in, refers to the different aspirations and livelihood strategies that smallholder farmers in sub-Saharan Africa pursue.

By 2030, the population is estimated to have grown by an extra billion people, with sub-Saharan Africa experiencing the most rapid growth. “As the population numbers rise fast, there is an urgent need to increase production of food,” says Prof Giller, who sees an opportunity for smallholder farmers in the challenge.

Defining a living income as the net income that a household will need to earn to enable it to make a decent living, he says in sub-Saharan Africa, 37% of households are food insecure. Given the small areas of land to which smallholder farmers have access, even a drastic increase in productivity per unit area will not be sufficient for many smallholders to make a living from farming. Nevertheless, agricultural development has proven to be the most effective way to reduce poverty and hunger among the poorest rural households.
To address hunger and poverty, a continued focus on food production in Africa is needed, as global food production for Africa cannot achieve zero hunger. – Prof Ken Giller

He says to address hunger and poverty, a continued focus on food production in Africa is needed, as global food production for Africa cannot achieve zero hunger (Sustainable Development Goal 2). 

Prof Giller believes a drastic rethink of policy is needed to support agriculture in Africa in order to achieve zero hunger, acknowledging the wide diversity of agro-ecologies, socio-economic situations, and farmers’ livelihood strategies. 

“Action is needed to rethink the future of farming. It is, however, a food security conundrum – achieving on the one hand cheap, nutritious, and affordable food for all, including the urban poor, and at the same time providing appealing livelihoods for smallholder farmers, with them receiving decent prices for their agricultural products,” he says. 

Speaking on the topic, Tackling sustainability through small-scale commercial farming, was Dr Qinisani Qwabe, Lecturer in the UFS Department of Sustainable Food Systems and Development. 

He believes that small-scale farmers see themselves as commercial farmers on a relatively small scale. They actively contribute to the market. Dr Qwabe suggests that most farmers who are considered emerging farmers do not like this term themselves, as it seems to put a label on them. 

Talking to small-scale commercial farmers, he learned that there are some hard realities they need to overcome on a daily basis. Some of the challenges they are encountering, include poor infrastructure, lack of capital, water restrictions, operational cost, access to markets due to poor roads in the area, and discrimination if you are a woman. 

News Archive

Protection of Information bill- opinions from our experts
2011-11-28

Prof. Hussein Solomon
Senior Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Free State. 

In recent years, given their failure to effectively govern, the ANC has become increasingly defensive. These defensive traits have become particularly acute in light of the various corruption scandals that members of the ruling party involve themselves in.
 
Given the fact that for now they are assured of an electoral majority (largely on account of their anti-apartheid credentials), coupled with the fact that they have managed to make parliament a rubber stamp of the executive as opposed to holding the executive accountable, it is the media which has increasingly held the ruling party to account by exposing such corruption and incompetence in government.
 
The passing of the information bill, therefore, is not merely an attack on the media, but an attack on the pivotal issue of accountability. Without accountability, there can be no democracy.
 
By defining national interest broadly, by refusing to accept a public interest clause in the bill, the ANC increasingly shows its disdain to South Africa's constitution and its citizens.
 
More importantly, as former Minister of Intelligence and ANC stalwart Ronnie Kasrils pointedly makes clear, the ANC is also betraying its own noble struggle against the odious apartheid regime. It was the media which played a key role in exposing apartheid's excesses, it is the same media which is coming under attack by the heirs of PW Botha's State Security Council - Minister of State Security Siyabong Cwele and his security apparatchiks whose mindsets reflect more Stalin's Gulag's than the values of the Freedom Charter.
 
The passing of this bill is also taking place at a time when journalists have had their phones attacked, where the judiciary has been deliberately undermined and parliament silenced.
 
Democrats beware!

 
Prof. Johann de Wet
Chairperson: Department of Communication Science 
 
The ANC’s insistence on passing the Protection of State Information Bill in its current form and enforcing it by law, means that the essence of our democratic state and the quality of life of every citizen is at stake.
 
Yes, our freedom as academics, researchers, mass media practitioners and citizens comes into play. Freedom implies the right to choose and is, along with equality, an underlying principle which helps make democracy happen. While the South African state needs to protect (classify) information which could threaten its security and/or survival, the omission of a public interest clause in the Bill at this stage effectively denies a citizen the right to freedom of information.
 
 Freedom of information, along with press freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of association and religious freedom, are essential to democracy. These freedoms are granted because they conform to basic liberal ideas associated with (Western) democracy and which resonate with South Africa’s liberal constitution, such as (1) belief in the supreme value of the individual (and thus not of the state); (2) belief that the individual has natural rights (rights which belong to all human beings by nature – such as the right to life and to control government)) which exist independently of government, and which ought to be protected by and against government; and (3) recognition of the supreme value of the individual. 
 
One wonders how many cases of South African government corruption and mismanagement would have been uncovered by investigative journalists over the past number of years if this Bill in its current form was on the statute books. This Bill represents a backward step from the promise of democracy of having an informed public. The former National Party government had similar laws in place and one does not want to go there again. The infamous Information Scandal in South Africa of some thirty years ago, or Muldergate as it has come to be known, reminds one of what governments can do when it works clandestinely.
 
What South Africans need, is more information on what government structures are doing and how they are doing it with taxpayers’ money, not less information. While information in itself does not equal communication or dialogue, it is an indispensable part thereof, and the need for dialogue based on verifiable information is urgent for meeting vexed challenges facing South African communities. Academics in all fields of specialisation are constantly in need of untainted information to pursue answers and/or offer solutions to where South Africa should be moving in all spheres of life.

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