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22 February 2022 | Story Leonie Bolleurs | Photo Leonie Bolleurs
smallholding symposium
Talking about the future of smallholder farming in South Africa, were from the left: Prof Linus Franke, Prof Philippe Burger, Dr Qinisani Qwabe, and Prof Ken Giller.

On 17 February 2022, the Department of Soil, Crop, and Climate Sciences at the University of the Free State (UFS) presented a symposium on the future of smallholder farming in South Africa on its Bloemfontein Campus. Head of the department, Prof Linus Franke, says with this symposium they aim to contribute to a change in the conversation about smallholder farming. 

Prof Philippe Burger, Pro-Vice-Chancellor: Poverty, Inequality and Economic Development at the UFS, presented on The forgotten: South Africa’s former Bantustans today. He believes in 30 years – although the first democratically elected government introduced new labour legislation, abolished the Bantustans, and created a single non-racial education system – not much has changed for the former Bantustans.

“Communal land in South Africa, mostly the former homelands such as the Transkei, Ciskei, and Bophuthatswana, is today trust land that are managed by traditional leaders. With the 2011 census, it was found that a large part of the population is still living on traditional land (32%),” he says.

According to his data, the number of people depending on subsistence farming has increased from 1 767 000 to 2 285 000 in the past ten years. 

The deeply poor, traditional leaders, and tenure rights

He says he does not believe that South Africa is only two nations in one, as was stated by former President Thabo Mbeki, but three. “There are the rich and poor in cities, with the poor still being predominantly black, and then there are the people living in what is euphemistically called deep-rural areas, basically the former homelands. There, the poor are even poorer than in the cities and they are virtually all black. And the ones who benefit in these deep-rural areas, are the traditional leaders.”

He believes that the poverty we see in communal areas can be largely linked to the lack of tenure rights. “People live and work on the land, but even though the constitution states that they should have tenure rights, they do not have tenure security. Thus, they cannot use tenure rights to leverage themselves to a better financial position,” he explains. 

The literature on tenure reforms, according to Prof Burger, boils down to one of three options. Firstly, individual titling of land where individuals farm on pieces of communal land allocated to them or their families, but without a title deed to the land. 

In the scenario of individual titling, it is impossible for people to sell land or to use it as collateral to obtain investment loans. He says in the Mystery of Capital, Hernando de Soto proposes the allocation of title deeds to individuals, thereby allowing them to use the land as capital to improve their lives. “It is, however, not the best solution because of overlapping use rights,” he states.

The other two options are a combination of communal ownership and small-scale farming, and a combination of communal ownership and large-scale commercial farming. Prof Burger says the two-tier system of titling is a better solution. “Here, the land is communal and the use rights to the land are recognised in the law. With recognised use rights, small-scale farmers can offer future income from their land as security to get loans,” he adds. 

However, according to him, what is also needed is the design of an economic ecosystem within which small-scale farmers can operate, proper education for the youth can take place, and extension services and training of farmers can be provided. “Government, the private sector, and universities can play a role.”

He also believes that democratising control over communal land – taking power from the chiefs and putting it in the hands of the community – will take away control from the chiefs, without denying them their constitutional right to have a role in society. “They will have a role in terms of tradition, belief, and culture, while control of the land will then reside with the people living on the land.”

“It is time that we bring the everyday life of the people living on communal land also into democratic South Africa. It needs to be done in such a way that it will improve their well-being,” Prof Burger concludes. 

A food security conundrum and small-scale commercial farmers 

Taking a step back to talk about smallholder farmers in sub-Saharan Africa, was Prof Ken Giller from the Department of Plant Production Systems at Wageningen University in the Netherlands. The title of his presentation, Smallholder farmers in Sub-Saharan Africa: Stepping up, stepping out and hanging in, refers to the different aspirations and livelihood strategies that smallholder farmers in sub-Saharan Africa pursue.

By 2030, the population is estimated to have grown by an extra billion people, with sub-Saharan Africa experiencing the most rapid growth. “As the population numbers rise fast, there is an urgent need to increase production of food,” says Prof Giller, who sees an opportunity for smallholder farmers in the challenge.

Defining a living income as the net income that a household will need to earn to enable it to make a decent living, he says in sub-Saharan Africa, 37% of households are food insecure. Given the small areas of land to which smallholder farmers have access, even a drastic increase in productivity per unit area will not be sufficient for many smallholders to make a living from farming. Nevertheless, agricultural development has proven to be the most effective way to reduce poverty and hunger among the poorest rural households.
To address hunger and poverty, a continued focus on food production in Africa is needed, as global food production for Africa cannot achieve zero hunger. – Prof Ken Giller

He says to address hunger and poverty, a continued focus on food production in Africa is needed, as global food production for Africa cannot achieve zero hunger (Sustainable Development Goal 2). 

Prof Giller believes a drastic rethink of policy is needed to support agriculture in Africa in order to achieve zero hunger, acknowledging the wide diversity of agro-ecologies, socio-economic situations, and farmers’ livelihood strategies. 

“Action is needed to rethink the future of farming. It is, however, a food security conundrum – achieving on the one hand cheap, nutritious, and affordable food for all, including the urban poor, and at the same time providing appealing livelihoods for smallholder farmers, with them receiving decent prices for their agricultural products,” he says. 

Speaking on the topic, Tackling sustainability through small-scale commercial farming, was Dr Qinisani Qwabe, Lecturer in the UFS Department of Sustainable Food Systems and Development. 

He believes that small-scale farmers see themselves as commercial farmers on a relatively small scale. They actively contribute to the market. Dr Qwabe suggests that most farmers who are considered emerging farmers do not like this term themselves, as it seems to put a label on them. 

Talking to small-scale commercial farmers, he learned that there are some hard realities they need to overcome on a daily basis. Some of the challenges they are encountering, include poor infrastructure, lack of capital, water restrictions, operational cost, access to markets due to poor roads in the area, and discrimination if you are a woman. 

News Archive

Media: Sunday Times
2006-05-20

Sunday Times, 4 June 2006

True leadership may mean admitting disunity
 

In this edited extract from the inaugural King Moshoeshoe Memorial Lecture at the University of the Free State, Professor Njabulo S Ndebele explores the leadership challenges facing South Africa

RECENT events have created a sense that we are undergoing a serious crisis of leadership in our new democracy. An increasing number of highly intelligent, sensitive and committed South Africans, across class, racial and cultural spectrums, confess to feeling uncertain and vulnerable as never before since 1994.

When indomitable optimists confess to having a sense of things unhinging, the misery of anxiety spreads. We have the sense that events are spiralling out of control and that no one among the leadership of the country seems to have a definitive handle on things.

There can be nothing more debilitating than a generalised and undefined sense of anxiety in the body politic. It breeds conspiracies and fear.

There is an impression that a very complex society has developed, in the last few years, a rather simple, centralised governance mechanism in the hope that delivery can be better and more quickly driven. The complexity of governance then gets located within a single structure of authority rather than in the devolved structures envisaged in the Constitution, which should interact with one another continuously, and in response to their specific settings, to achieve defined goals. Collapse in a single structure of authority, because there is no robust backup, can be catastrophic.

The autonomy of devolved structures presents itself as an impediment only when visionary cohesion collapses. Where such cohesion is strong, the impediment is only illusory, particularly when it encourages healthy competition, for example, among the provinces, or where a province develops a character that is not necessarily autonomous politically but rather distinctive and a special source of regional pride. Such competition brings vibrancy to the country. It does not necessarily challenge the centre.

Devolved autonomy is vital in the interests of sustainable governance. The failure of various structures to actualise their constitutionally defined roles should not be attributed to the failure of the prescribed governance mechanism. It is too early to say that what we have has not worked. The only viable corrective will be in our ability to be robust in identifying the problems and dealing with them concertedly.

We have never had social cohesion in South Africa — certainly not since the Natives’ Land Act of 1913. What we definitely have had over the decades is a mobilising vision. Could it be that the mobilising vision, mistaken for social cohesion, is cracking under the weight of the reality and extent of social reconstruction, and that the legitimate framework for debating these problems is collapsing? If that is so, are we witnessing a cumulative failure of leadership?

I am making a descriptive rather than an evaluative inquiry. I do not believe that there is any single entity to be blamed. It is simply that we may be a country in search of another line of approach. What will it be?

I would like to suggest two avenues of approach — an inclusive model and a counter-intuitive model of leadership.

In an inclusive approach, leadership is exercised not only by those who have been put in some position of power to steer an organisation or institution. Leadership is what all of us do when we express, sincerely, our deepest feelings and thoughts; when we do our work, whatever it is, with passion and integrity.

Counter-intuitive leadership lies in the ability of leaders to read a problematic situation, assess probable outcomes and then recognise that those outcomes will only compound the problem. Genuine leadership, in this sense, requires going against probability in seeking unexpected outcomes. That’s what happened when we avoided a civil war and ended up with an “unexpected” democracy.

Right now, we may very well hear desperate calls for unity, when the counter-intuitive imperative would be to acknowledge disunity. A declaration of unity where it manifestly does not appear to exist will fail to reassure.

Many within the “broad alliance” might have the view that the mobilising vision of old may have transformed into a strategy of executive steering with a disposition towards an expectation of compliance. No matter how compelling the reasons for that tendency, it may be seen as part of a cumulative process in which popular notions of democratic governance are apparently undermined and devalued; and where public uncertainty in the midst of seeming crisis induces fear which could freeze public thinking at a time when more voices ought to be heard.

Could it be that part of the problem is that we are unable to deal with the notion of opposition? We are horrified that any of us could be seen to have become “the opposition”. The word has been demonised. In reality, it is time we began to anticipate the arrival of a moment when there is no longer a single, overwhelmingly dominant political force as is currently the case. Such is the course of history. The measure of the maturity of the current political environment will be in how it can create conditions that anticipate that moment rather than seek to prevent it. We see here once more the essential creativity of the counter-intuitive imperative.

This is the formidable challenge of a popular post-apartheid political movement. Can it conceptually anticipate a future when it is no longer overwhelmingly in control, in the form in which it is currently, and resist, counter-intuitively, the temptation to prevent such an eventuality? Successfully resisting such an option would enable its current vision and its ultimate legacy to our country to manifest in different articulations, which then contend for social influence. In this way, the vision never really dies; it simply evolves into higher, more complex forms of itself. Consider the metaphor of flying ants replicating the ant community by establishing new ones.

We may certainly experience the meaning of comradeship differently, where we will now have “comrades on the other side”.

Any political movement that imagines itself as a perpetual entity should look at the compelling evidence of history. Few movements have survived those defining moments when they should have been more elastic, and that because they were not, did not live to see the next day.

I believe we may have reached a moment not fundamentally different from the sobering, yet uplifting and vision-making, nation-building realities that led to Kempton Park in the early ’90s. The difference between then and now is that the black majority is not facing white compatriots across the negotiating table. Rather, it is facing itself: perhaps really for the first time since 1994. Could we apply to ourselves the same degree of inventiveness and rigorous negotiation we displayed leading up to the adoption or our Constitution?

This is not a time for repeating old platitudes. It is the time, once more, for vision.

In the total scheme of things, the outcome could be as disastrous as it could be formative and uplifting, setting in place the conditions for a true renaissance that could be sustained for generations to come.

Ndebele is Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Town and author of the novel The Cry of Winnie Mandela

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