Latest News Archive

Please select Category, Year, and then Month to display items
Previous Archive
22 December 2023 | Story Dr Harlan Cloete | Photo Supplied
Dr Harlan Cloete
Dr Harlan Cloete is a research fellow in the Department of Public Administration and Management at the University of the Free State.


Opinion article by Dr Harlan Cloete, Department of Public Administration and Management, University of the Free State (UFS)


This week my Great Governance ZA podcast reached the 100-episode milestone. About a year ago I interviewed Prof Jaap de Visser on the platform and he argued that coalition governments are a natural consequence of our South African electoral system and that we must get used to this reality. On the 5 December we marked the passing of Nelson Mandela who led the first coalition government in South Africa, called the government of national unity. That coalition did not last beyond two years with the National Party walking out in 1996 because the ANC would not agree to extend the government of national unity beyond 1999, as well as a failure to reach consensus on key economic choices and policies. And so since 1996 the ANC has the sole mandate to ensure economic justice.

Today there is no greater failure than the failure of our economic policies. The fact the World Bank declared South Africa the most unequal country in the world is a direct consequence of our economic policy choices over a period of 30 years. We are faced with deep-rooted structural inequality, persistent generational poverty and rising youth unemployment. These problems will persist due to deteriorating state capacity and inappropriate policy management. How long will state indifference last? No one knows. The National Development Plan (NDP) review concludes that instead of a capable state, we have an increasingly corrupt state. And let me remind you that this corruption did not start in 1994, it is so deeply entrenched in our DNA – both the private and public sectors. This country was built on this political economic collusion resulting in centuries of economic and political injustice.

Fought for freedom and all we got was democracy

The NDP states that instead of a seamless planning system, we have a disjointed planning system that is poorly implemented and misaligned to the strategic goals of the NDP. Instead of a more inclusive and equitable economy, we have economic policies that do not seem to be achieving the transformation that is required. Social cohesion has fallen off the government priority list and is articulated superficially (Stronger Together – four rugby world cups and more divided than ever). South Africans experience some of the highest levels of violent interpersonal crime globally, especially violence against women.

And so we continue to be brilliant at identifying what is wrong but weak in implementing what must be done. I conclude that the constitution is not working, as summed up by a colleague: we fought for freedom and all we got was democracy. And so there is this deep sense of cynicism with our current politicians and the political system that continues to condemn people to misery and making them slaves to new forms of slavery, alcohol abuse being but one. South Africa has some of the highest rates of youth binge-drinking. The reality is that this democracy is working for the elites not the poor. The statistics show that we have about 62 million people, of which 45 million are eligible to vote, with close to 27 million people on the voters’ roll. In the 2019 election only 19 million people voted (42%) and in our COVID election in 2021 only 12 million voted (27%).

The reality is that we have more than 100 registered parties and more parties joining the ballot paper, the latest is the Activist and Citizens Forum calling for Dr Allan Boesak to lead. This leads me to conclude that people either form political parties because they see politics as entry into the middle class (given our high unemployment rate) and or they are genuinely disillusioned with the status quo and feel this to be the only way to express their dissatisfaction.

But there is opportunity in the crises. We now know what good leadership looks like, it is not what people say, it’s what they do. So what does a desired future look like? The NDP concludes that leadership and active citizenry will get us out of this deep hole. The reality is that the bar for political leadership is so low. Ours is a system of representative and participatory democracy. There is a total disconnect between the politicians and the people – social distance. The goodwill of the people is simply not matched by administrative and political will. That government is not prepared to meet people halfway, instead the system is designed to make you dependent (grants) in a disempowerment model. South African must decide. Are we active or passive citizens? In the broad sense (business, academia and civil society formations). Active citizens are involved, helping to shape society as expressed in a grassroots governance course spearheaded by colleague Ina Gouws at the University of the Free State (UFS). This requires hard work and deep commitment to build institutions. This is not elitist. In this, new knowledge and models are developed that serve to liberate people. Active citizenship irritates and keeps producing evidence demanding excellence and redistribution of wealth.

Citizen Coalition

If we think coalition government is the answer, we are making a big mistake. Such a government maybe even be more complex given the different egos demanding to be fed.  Rather a Citizen Coalition (social solidarity) is needed, where citizens lead and government follows. Unless we make that transition in our heads, we will forever be at the mercy of politicians trapped in a system that rewards only them. We cannot talk of a coalition government if we do not talk about citizen coalition – where we put your purpose together. Affluent well-resourced schools will continue to flourish unless we collaborate and share wealth. Such a citizen coalition is built on five principles viz namely, leadership behaviours that are based not on rent-seeking, economic inclusion, equal access to health care (dignity), equal access to education (a means to an end) and accountability systems.

The October 2022 report from Good Governance Africa suggests that excellence in municipal performance to a lesser extent is the consequence of which political party is in charge and more linked with governance, population, and provincial dynamics. However, what the study also showed is when you have ethical and competent leadership steering the ship to ensure that municipalities are properly governed in terms of Administration, Planning and Monitoring, and Service Delivery then there is a greater chance of success.

In October I was invited by the municipal council of the Theewaterskloof municipality to facilitate a three-day strategic conversation using my Governance 5iQ model as point of departure. This model asks five questions. Why we do what we do (vision)? How is it being done (mission)? How will we know at any given time we are on track (M&E)? If we are not on track, what are we doing about it (consequence management)? And finally, how we lead and learn (knowledge management). I believe the Governance 5iQ could be applied in conversation around the viability of a Citizen Coaltion.

The desired state is inclusive coalition governance not coalition government that is achieved through building coalition governance competence on all levels of society. The cornerstone of this coalition governance is a partnership between civil society, the private sector, government, and academia, as concluded in the NDP review. Where we co-create a desired future. And this must be youth led. It can be done, we owe it to the youth who rightfully question the motives of those who are trying to fix problems they themselves created over the past three decades. This is hard work. But there is no better time than the present.

Dr Harlan Cloete is a research fellow at the UFS. His main research interest is exploring evidence-based HRD governance systems in the public sector, with a keen interest in local governance. He is the founder of the Great Governance ZA Podcast https://anchor.fm/harlan-ca-cloete

News Archive

Gender bias still rife in African Universities
2007-08-03

 

 At the lecture were, from the left: Prof. Magda Fourie (Vice-Rector: Academic Planning), Prof. Amina Mama (Chair: Gender Studies, University of Cape Town), Prof. Engela Pretorius (Vice-Dean: Humanties) and Prof. Letticia Moja (Dean: Faculty of Health Sciences).
Photo: Stephen Collett

Gender bias still rife in African Universities

Women constitute about 30% of student enrolment in African universities, and only about 6% of African professors are women. This is according to the chairperson of Gender Studies at the University of Cape Town, Prof Amina Mama.

Prof Mama was delivering a lecture on the topic “Rethinking African Universities” as part of Women’s Day celebrations at the University of the Free State (UFS) today.

She says the gender profile suggests that the majority of the women who work in African universities are not academics and researchers, but rather the providers of secretarial, cleaning, catering, student welfare and other administrative and support services.

She said that African universities continue to display profound gender bias in their students and staffing profiles and, more significantly, are deeply inequitable in their institutional and intellectual cultures. She said women find it difficult to succeed at universities as they are imbued with patriarchal values and assumptions that affect all aspects of life and learning.

She said that even though African universities have never excluded women, enrolling them presents only the first hurdle in a much longer process.

“The research evidence suggests that once women have found their way into the universities, then gender differentiations continue to arise and to affect the experience and performance of women students in numerous ways. Even within single institutions disparities manifest across the levels of the hierarchy, within and across faculties and disciplines, within and between academic and administrative roles, across generations, and vary with class and social background, marital status, parental status, and probably many more factors besides these”, she said.

She lamented the fact that there is no field of study free of gender inequalities, particularly at postgraduate levels and in the higher ranks of academics. “Although more women study the arts, social sciences and humanities, few make it to professor and their research and creative output remains less”, she said.

Prof Mama said gender gaps as far as employment of women within African universities is concerned are generally wider than in student enrolment. She said although many women are employed in junior administrative and support capacities, there continues to be gross under-representation of women among senior administrative and academic staff. She said this disparity becomes more pronounced as one moves up the ranks.

“South African universities are ahead, but they are not as radically different as their policy rhetoric might suggest. A decade and a half after the end of apartheid only three of the 23 vice-chancellors in the country are women, and women fill fewer than 30% of the senior positions (Deans, Executive Directors and Deputy Vice-Chancellors)”, she said.

She made an observation that highly qualified women accept administrative positions as opposed to academic work, thus ensuring that men continue to dominate the ranks of those defined as ‘great thinkers’ or ‘accomplished researchers’.

“Perhaps women simply make realistic career choices, opting out of academic competition with male colleagues who they can easily perceive to be systematically advantaged, not only within the institution, but also on the personal and domestic fronts, which still see most African women holding the baby, literally and figuratively”, she said

She also touched on sexual harassment and abuse which she said appears to be a commonplace on African campuses. “In contexts where sexual transactions are a pervasive feature of academic life, women who do succeed are unlikely to be perceived as having done so on the basis of merit or hard work, and may be treated with derision and disbelief”, she said.

She, however, said in spite of broader patterns of gender and class inequality in universities, public higher education remains a main route to career advancement and mobility for women in Africa.

“Women’s constrained access has therefore posed a constraint to their pursuit of more equitable and just modes of political, economic and social development, not to mention freedom from direct oppression”, she said.

Prof Mama concluded by saying, “There is a widely held agreement that there is a need to rethink our universities and to ensure that they are transformed into institutions more compatible with the democratic and social justice agendas that are now leading Africa beyond the legacies of dictatorship, conflict and economic crisis, beyond the deep social divisions and inequalities that have characterised our history”.

She said rethinking universities means asking deeper questions about gender relations within them, and taking concerted and effective action to transform these privileged bastions of higher learning so that they can fulfil their pubic mandate and promise instead of lagging behind our steadily improving laws and policies.

Media Release
Issued by: Mangaliso Radebe
Assistant Director: Media Liaison
Tel: 051 401 2828
Cell: 078 460 3320
E-mail: radebemt.stg@ufs.ac.za  
02 August 2007
 

We use cookies to make interactions with our websites and services easy and meaningful. To better understand how they are used, read more about the UFS cookie policy. By continuing to use this site you are giving us your consent to do this.

Accept