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22 December 2023 | Story Dr Harlan Cloete | Photo Supplied
Dr Harlan Cloete
Dr Harlan Cloete is a research fellow in the Department of Public Administration and Management at the University of the Free State.


Opinion article by Dr Harlan Cloete, Department of Public Administration and Management, University of the Free State (UFS)


This week my Great Governance ZA podcast reached the 100-episode milestone. About a year ago I interviewed Prof Jaap de Visser on the platform and he argued that coalition governments are a natural consequence of our South African electoral system and that we must get used to this reality. On the 5 December we marked the passing of Nelson Mandela who led the first coalition government in South Africa, called the government of national unity. That coalition did not last beyond two years with the National Party walking out in 1996 because the ANC would not agree to extend the government of national unity beyond 1999, as well as a failure to reach consensus on key economic choices and policies. And so since 1996 the ANC has the sole mandate to ensure economic justice.

Today there is no greater failure than the failure of our economic policies. The fact the World Bank declared South Africa the most unequal country in the world is a direct consequence of our economic policy choices over a period of 30 years. We are faced with deep-rooted structural inequality, persistent generational poverty and rising youth unemployment. These problems will persist due to deteriorating state capacity and inappropriate policy management. How long will state indifference last? No one knows. The National Development Plan (NDP) review concludes that instead of a capable state, we have an increasingly corrupt state. And let me remind you that this corruption did not start in 1994, it is so deeply entrenched in our DNA – both the private and public sectors. This country was built on this political economic collusion resulting in centuries of economic and political injustice.

Fought for freedom and all we got was democracy

The NDP states that instead of a seamless planning system, we have a disjointed planning system that is poorly implemented and misaligned to the strategic goals of the NDP. Instead of a more inclusive and equitable economy, we have economic policies that do not seem to be achieving the transformation that is required. Social cohesion has fallen off the government priority list and is articulated superficially (Stronger Together – four rugby world cups and more divided than ever). South Africans experience some of the highest levels of violent interpersonal crime globally, especially violence against women.

And so we continue to be brilliant at identifying what is wrong but weak in implementing what must be done. I conclude that the constitution is not working, as summed up by a colleague: we fought for freedom and all we got was democracy. And so there is this deep sense of cynicism with our current politicians and the political system that continues to condemn people to misery and making them slaves to new forms of slavery, alcohol abuse being but one. South Africa has some of the highest rates of youth binge-drinking. The reality is that this democracy is working for the elites not the poor. The statistics show that we have about 62 million people, of which 45 million are eligible to vote, with close to 27 million people on the voters’ roll. In the 2019 election only 19 million people voted (42%) and in our COVID election in 2021 only 12 million voted (27%).

The reality is that we have more than 100 registered parties and more parties joining the ballot paper, the latest is the Activist and Citizens Forum calling for Dr Allan Boesak to lead. This leads me to conclude that people either form political parties because they see politics as entry into the middle class (given our high unemployment rate) and or they are genuinely disillusioned with the status quo and feel this to be the only way to express their dissatisfaction.

But there is opportunity in the crises. We now know what good leadership looks like, it is not what people say, it’s what they do. So what does a desired future look like? The NDP concludes that leadership and active citizenry will get us out of this deep hole. The reality is that the bar for political leadership is so low. Ours is a system of representative and participatory democracy. There is a total disconnect between the politicians and the people – social distance. The goodwill of the people is simply not matched by administrative and political will. That government is not prepared to meet people halfway, instead the system is designed to make you dependent (grants) in a disempowerment model. South African must decide. Are we active or passive citizens? In the broad sense (business, academia and civil society formations). Active citizens are involved, helping to shape society as expressed in a grassroots governance course spearheaded by colleague Ina Gouws at the University of the Free State (UFS). This requires hard work and deep commitment to build institutions. This is not elitist. In this, new knowledge and models are developed that serve to liberate people. Active citizenship irritates and keeps producing evidence demanding excellence and redistribution of wealth.

Citizen Coalition

If we think coalition government is the answer, we are making a big mistake. Such a government maybe even be more complex given the different egos demanding to be fed.  Rather a Citizen Coalition (social solidarity) is needed, where citizens lead and government follows. Unless we make that transition in our heads, we will forever be at the mercy of politicians trapped in a system that rewards only them. We cannot talk of a coalition government if we do not talk about citizen coalition – where we put your purpose together. Affluent well-resourced schools will continue to flourish unless we collaborate and share wealth. Such a citizen coalition is built on five principles viz namely, leadership behaviours that are based not on rent-seeking, economic inclusion, equal access to health care (dignity), equal access to education (a means to an end) and accountability systems.

The October 2022 report from Good Governance Africa suggests that excellence in municipal performance to a lesser extent is the consequence of which political party is in charge and more linked with governance, population, and provincial dynamics. However, what the study also showed is when you have ethical and competent leadership steering the ship to ensure that municipalities are properly governed in terms of Administration, Planning and Monitoring, and Service Delivery then there is a greater chance of success.

In October I was invited by the municipal council of the Theewaterskloof municipality to facilitate a three-day strategic conversation using my Governance 5iQ model as point of departure. This model asks five questions. Why we do what we do (vision)? How is it being done (mission)? How will we know at any given time we are on track (M&E)? If we are not on track, what are we doing about it (consequence management)? And finally, how we lead and learn (knowledge management). I believe the Governance 5iQ could be applied in conversation around the viability of a Citizen Coaltion.

The desired state is inclusive coalition governance not coalition government that is achieved through building coalition governance competence on all levels of society. The cornerstone of this coalition governance is a partnership between civil society, the private sector, government, and academia, as concluded in the NDP review. Where we co-create a desired future. And this must be youth led. It can be done, we owe it to the youth who rightfully question the motives of those who are trying to fix problems they themselves created over the past three decades. This is hard work. But there is no better time than the present.

Dr Harlan Cloete is a research fellow at the UFS. His main research interest is exploring evidence-based HRD governance systems in the public sector, with a keen interest in local governance. He is the founder of the Great Governance ZA Podcast https://anchor.fm/harlan-ca-cloete

News Archive

Moshoeshoe - lessons from an African icon - by Prof Frederick Fourie
2004-11-03

(The full text of the article that appeared in City Press and Sunday Independent)

Our understanding of history informs our understanding of the present. No wonder the contestation over historical figures in South Africa’s past is so fierce and so divisive.
The question is: could it be any other way? I would like to think that it could; that black and white South Africans, across linguistic, cultural, religious and other divides, can develop a shared appreciation of our history – at least with certain periods and personalities as a starting point.

One such personality whose legacy I believe offers a possible platform for unifying our still divided country is King Moshoeshoe, who lived from 1786 to 1870, and is acknowledged as the founder of the Basotho.

King Moshoeshoe is the topic of a documentary that has been commissioned by the University of the Free State as part of its Centenary celebrations this year. It is part of a larger project to honour and research the legacy of Moshoeshoe. The documentary will be screened on SABC 2 at 21:00 on November 4th.

Moshoeshoe rose to prominence at a time of great upheaval and conflict in South Africa – the 19th century, a time when British colonialism was entrenching itself, when the Boer trekkers were migrating from the Cape and when numerous indigenous chiefdoms and groupings were engaged in territorial conquests. It was the time of the Difaqane, a period when society in the central parts of the later South Africa and Lesotho was fractured, destabilised and caught in a cycle of violence and aggression.

In this period Moshoeshoe displayed a unique and innovative model of leadership that resulted in reconciliation, peace and stability in the area that later became Lesotho and Free State. It made him stand out from many of his contemporaries and also caught the attention of his colonial adversaries.

Such an evaluation is not a judgment about which model of leadership is right and which is wrong, or which leader was better than another; but merely an attempt to explore what we can learn from a particular exemplar.
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Historians point to the many progressive leadership qualities displayed by Moshoeshoe which he used effectively in establishing the Basotho nation and in defending it.
First, there is his humanism and sense of justice worthy of any great statesman. Confronted by a situation in which cannibals murdered and devoured his grandfather, Moshoeshoe chose not to take revenge. Instead he opted to rehabilitate them and feed them as he believed hunger drove them to cannibalism.

Secondly, there is his skilful alliance-building with his contemporaries such as Shaka in an attempt to neutralize those rivals who were intent on attacking his followers. This is also displayed in the way he sought the protection of the British to keep the Boer forces at bay.
Thirdly, his emphasis on peaceful options is also seen in his defensive military strategy which saw him retreat to a mountain fortress to be able to protect and build a burgeoning nation in the face of the many forces threatening its survival.

Fourthly, there is his remarkable inclusivity and tolerance for diversity which saw him unite disparate groups of refugees from the violence and hunger that displaced them and then weld them into the Basotho nation. He also engaged with French missionaries, inviting them to stay with him and advise him on Western thought, technology and religion.
These are but some of the qualities which belie the notion that all 19th century African leaders were merely marauders and conquerors that gained their ascendancy through violence. Instead Moshoeshoe is a prime example of the human-centred, democratic and pluralist roots of South African, indeed African society.

The Moshoeshoe project that we have initiated (of which the documentary, called “The Renaissance King”, forms but one part) derives from our location as a university in the Free State, a province with a particular history and a particular political culture that developed as a result of this very model of leadership. This province has benefited tremendously from leaders such as Moshoeshoe and president MT Steyn, both of whom many observers credit with establishing a climate of tolerance, respect for diversity of opinion, political accommodation and peaceful methods of pursuing political objectives in the province. Their legacy is real – and Moshoeshoe’s role can not be overstated.
In addition the project derives from the University of the Free State being a site of higher learning in a broader geo-political sense. As a university in Africa we are called upon to understand and critically engage with this history, this context and this legacy.
Besides the documentary, the UFS is also planning to establish an annual Moshoeshoe memorial lecture which will focus on and interrogate models of African leadership, nation-building, reconciliation, diversity management and political tolerance.

In tackling such projects, there may be a temptation to engage in myth-making. It is a trap we must be wary of, especially as an institution of higher learning. We need to ask critical questions about some aspects of Moshoeshoe’s leadership but of current political leadership as well. Thus there is a need for rigorous academic research into aspects of the Moshoeshoe legacy in particular but also into these above-mentioned issues.
While the documentary was commissioned to coincide with the University of the Free State’s centenary and our country’s ten years of democracy, it is a project that has a much wider significance. It is an attempt to get people talking about our past and about our future, as a campus, as a province and as a country – even as a continent, given the NEPAD initiatives to promote democracy and good governance.

The project therefore has particular relevance for the continued transformation of institutions such as universities and the transformation of our society. Hopefully it will assist those who are confronted by the question how to bring about new institutional cultures or even a national political culture that is truly inclusive, tolerant, democratic, non-sexist, non-racial, multilingual and multicultural.

I believe that the Moshoeshoe model of leadership can be emulated and provide some point of convergence. A fractured society such as ours needs points of convergence, icons and heroes which we can share. Moshoeshoe is one such an African icon – in a world with too few of them.

Prof Frederick Fourie is the Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the University of the Free State

* The documentary on “Moshoeshoe: The Renaissance King” will be screened on SABC2 on 4 November 2004 at 21:00.

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