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30 May 2023 | Story Dr Mpumelelo Ncube | Photo Supplied
Dr Mpumelelo Ncube
Dr Mpumelelo Ncube is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Social Work, University of the Free State.


Opinion article by Dr Mpumelelo Ncube, Head of Department and Senior Lecturer in the Department of Social Work, University of the Free State.


The year 2023 marks the diamond jubilee of the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), currently known as the African Union (AU), which was founded in Addis Ababa. The visionary founders, including President Kwame Nkrumah and Emperor Haile Selassie, aimed to bring about political change in African states and restore the dignity of African people, who had long suffered under colonial subjugation and disenfranchisement. Their vision encompassed a united Africa, free from oppression, governed by self-determination, and destined for prosperity.

Over time, the OAU transformed into the AU, with the intention of accelerating the dream of African unity and eradicating the social, political, and economic challenges that had begun to define African states. Pan-Africanism emerged as a beacon of hope, inspiring many who understood its significance at the organisation's inception. As we reflect on the ideals cherished by the founding fathers and reaffirmed by their successors in 2002, it is crucial to contemplate four of the seventeen aims articulated during the launch of the African Union in Durban.

Unity and solidarity between African countries and their people

Firstly, the AU aims to achieve greater unity and solidarity between African countries and their people. In pursuit of this goal, notable actions have been taken, such as the establishment of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) to maintain peace in conflict zones such as Mali, Sudan, Somalia, and the Central African Republic. Moreover, in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the AU set up the Africa Medical Supplies Platform (AMSP) to facilitate the procurement and distribution of medical equipment and supplies throughout the continent. While these achievements are commendable, the majority of the other intentions under this aim lack a concrete plan of action, and the lack of sufficient funding is hampering progress. This presents a cause for concern.

Secondly, the AU pledged to defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence of its member states. Despite the development of intervention instruments to support this aim, the organisation has been found wanting at critical junctures. One cannot forget the adoption of Resolution 1973 by the United Nations Security Council, which authorised national governments or regional organisations to impose a no-fly zone in Libya, ultimately leading to the assassination of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. Colonel Gadhafi played a pivotal role in the formation of the African Union and declared his vision for the United States of Africa with a single government and one currency. Surprisingly, three AU member states – South Africa, Nigeria, and Gabon – voted in favour of this resolution. Their actions raised doubts about their commitment to defending the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence of the AU.

Africa faces a harsh reality

Africa, a continent with immense potential for growth and development, faces a harsh reality that cannot be ignored. Its burgeoning population holds great promise for contributing significantly to its advancement. Additionally, Africa is blessed with abundant mineral resources, the prudent management of which could sustain the developmental aspirations of its people. Furthermore, Africa's expansive land mass and diverse climate present valuable opportunities to address crucial concerns such as food and energy security. It is perplexing that Africa, a continent three times the size of the United States of America, continues to lag behind in all aspects of development. The continent has enormous potential to foster growth and development and to compete on a global scale. Regrettably, it has thus far failed to harness this potential, leaving the dream of African prosperity, initially envisioned by the founders of the OAU (AU) and their successors, frustratingly out of reach.

As we commemorate the diamond jubilee of the OAU's establishment, let it serve as a reminder of the vision and determination of its founders. Their dreams for an Africa united, free from oppression, and governed by self-determination still resonate today. It is our collective responsibility to ensure that these dreams are no longer scuppered, but rather transformed into a vibrant reality of African prosperity.

News Archive

SA universities are becoming the battlegrounds for political gain
2010-11-02

Prof. Kalie Strydom.

No worthwhile contribution can be made to higher education excellence if you do not understand and acknowledge the devastating, but unfortunately unavoidable role of party politics in the system and universities of higher education and training (HET).

This statement was made by Prof. Kalie Strydom during his valedictory lecture made on the Main Campus of the University of the Free State (UFS) in Bloemfontein recently.

Prof. Strydom, who was awarded an Honorary Doctorate by the UFS in 2010, presented a lecture on the theme: The Long Walk to Higher Education and Training Excellence: The Struggle of Comrades and Racists. He provided perspectives on politics in higher education and training (HET) and shared different examples explaining the meaning of excellence in HET in relation to politics.

“At the HET systems level I was fortunate to participate in the deliberations in the early nineties to prepare policy perspectives that could be used by the ANC in HET policy making after the 1994 elections.  At these deliberations one of the important issues discussed was the typical educational and training pyramid recognised in many countries, to establish and maintain successful education and training. The educational pyramid in successful countries was compared to the SA “inverted” pyramid that had already originated during apartheid for all races, but unfortunately exploded during the 16 years of democracy to a dangerous situation of 3 million out-of school and post-school youth with very few education and training opportunities,” he said.

In his lecture, Prof. Strydom answered questions like: Why could we as higher educationists not persuade the new democratically elected government to create a successful education and training pyramid with a strong intermediate college sector in the nineties?  What was the politics like in the early and late nineties about disallowing the acceptance of the successful pyramid of education and training?  Why do we only now in the latest DHET strategic planning 2010–2015 have this successful pyramid as a basis for policymaking and planning?

At an institutional level he explained the role of politics by referring to the Reitz incident at the UFS and the infamous Soudien report on racism in higher education in South Africa highlighting explosive racial situations in our universities and the country.  “To understand this situation we need to acknowledge that we are battling with complex biases influencing the racial situation,” he said.

“White and black, staff and students at our universities are constantly battling with the legacy of the past which is being used, abused and conveniently forgotten, as well as critical events that white and black experience every day of their lives, feeding polarisation of extreme views while eroding common ground.  Examples vary from the indoctrination and prejudice that is continued within most homes, churches and schools; mass media full of murder, rape, corruption; political parties skewing difficult issues for indiscrete political gain; to frustrating non-delivery in almost all spheres of life which frustrates and irritates everyone, all feeding racial stereo typing and prejudice,” said Prof. Strydom.

A South African philosopher, Prof. Willie Esterhuyse, recently used the metaphor of an “Elephant in our lounge” to describe the syndrome of racism that is part of the lives of white and black South Africans in very different ways. He indicated that all of us are aware of the elephant, but we choose not to talk about it, an attitude described by Ruth Frankenberg as ‘colour evasiveness’, which denies the nature and scope of the problem.

Constructs related to race are so contentious that most stakeholders and role-players are unwilling to confront the meanings that they assign to very prominent dimensions of their experience; neither does management at the institutions have enough staff (higher educationists?) with the competencies to interrogate these meanings, or generate shared meanings amongst staff and students (common ground).  A good example that could be compared with “the elephant in our lounge” remark is the recent paper of Prof. Jonathan Jansen, Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS on race categorisation in education and training.

According to Prof. Strydom, universities in South Africa are increasingly becoming the battlegrounds for political gain which creates a polarised atmosphere on campuses and crowds out the moderate middle ground, thereby subverting the role and function of the university as an institution within a specific context, interpreted globally and locally. 

Striving for excellence, mostly free from the negative influences of politics, in HET, from the point of view of the higher educationist, is that we should, through comparative literature review and research, re-conceptualise the university as an institution in a specific context.  This entails carefully considering environment and the positioning of the university leading to a specific institutional culture and recognising the fact that institutional cultures are complicated by many subcultures in academe (faculties) and student life (residences/new generations of commuter students).

Another way forward in striving for excellence, mostly free from politics, is to ensure that we understand the complexities of governing a university better.  D.W. Leslie (2003) mentions formidable tasks related to governance influenced by politics:

  • Balancing legitimacy and effectiveness.
  • Leading along two dimensions: getting work done and engaging people.
  • Differentiating between formal university structures and the functions of universities as they adapt and evolve.
  • Bridging the divergence between cultural and operational imperatives of the bureaucratic and professional sides of the university.

Prof. Strydom concluded by stating that it is possible to continue with an almost never ending list of important themes in HE studies adding perspectives on why it is so easy to misuse universities for politics instead of recognising our responsibility to carefully consider contributions to transformation in such an immensely complicated institution as the university within a higher education and training system. 

Media Release
Issued by: Lacea Loader
Director: Strategic Communication (acting)
Tel: 051 401 2584
Cell: 083 645 2454
E-mail: loaderl@ufs.ac.za
29 October 2010

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