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21 August 2024 | Story Leonie Bolleurs | Photo Supplied
Law Winter School 2024
Participants in the Winter School on African Constitutionalism had the opportunity to acquire the latest knowledge and information on African constitutionalism.

The African Network of Constitutional Lawyers (ANCL) and the Faculty of Law of the University of the Free State (UFS) recently hosted a Winter School on African Constitutionalism titled Confronting the 'Crisis' of Democratic Constitutionalism in Africa. According to Khanya Motshabi, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Public Law and Strategy Lead: UFS Reparation Hub at the UFS, the 2024 Winter School is a first for Africa.

Motshabi said the aim of the winter school, which was attended by members of the UFS University Management Committee, academia, students, experts in constitutional law, law practitioners, and justices of the Constitutional Court of Zambia, was to gather prominent and emerging African intellectuals, practitioners, judges, and policy drivers to assess the state of democratic constitutionalism in Africa. “We wanted to explore the progress and failures of the past decades, place African developments in a global context, analyse current problems, and propose solutions for building an African version of democratic constitutionalism that reflects its unique circumstances, challenges, experiences, and popular preferences,” he commented.

Prof Anthea Rhoda, Deputy Vice-Chancellor: Academic, attended the event, providing opening remarks and emphasising the alignment of the winter school with the university’s Vision 130. She highlighted the university's commitment to social justice and its broader mission to impact society by addressing persistent social problems and fostering transformation across the African continent. “Our vision alludes to the fact that universities are expected to play an important role in providing skills, building the economy, solving persistent social problems, and transforming our post-apartheid society,” she remarked, adding that the discussion and input of this winter school are not only focused on South Africa, but also aim to confront the issue of democratic constitutionalism across the African continent.

Prof Vasu Reddy, Deputy Vice-Chancellor: Research and Internationalisation, who also attended the event, said, “This is a highly prestigious meeting that brings a great gathering of African scholars and judges from an apex court in Zambia to Free State soil. A meeting such as yours offers excellent opportunity to think more deeply about African constitutionalism that triggers further engagement on continental development, law, society, and politics.”

Prof Reddy also commented on the theme of confronting the crisis of democratic constitutionalism: “You engage an important theme and topic. ‘Crisis’ is an important word and presents possibilities. Not only does it describe the challenges and dangers of wicked problems facing us, but central to its meanings are also the opportunities at our disposal.”

Decline in constitutional democracy

The ANCL and the UFS Faculty of Law are concerned that although constitutional democracy has grown over the past 30 years, it has declined in the past decade. Regimes maintain the appearance of democracy while ignoring its fundamental principles, such as free and fair elections and the rights to speech, expression, and association. Anyango Oyieke, ANCL Secretary-General, noted that effective constitutional democracy requires not only institutional arrangements, but also an active civil society, strong political parties, and a culture that tolerates differences and exercises power with restraint.

Motshabi and Oyieke believe that despite varied democratic experiences in Africa, many countries have seen a decline in democratic governance marked by constitutional manipulation, intimidation, flawed elections, and military coups. Even where elections are credible, the winner-takes-all mentality undermines governance and delivery of basic needs. High levels of insecurity, stalled poverty reduction, and worsening youth unemployment contribute to a preference for military regimes over democracy. Motshabi and Oyieke observe that the African Union and Regional Economic Communities struggle to fulfil their democratic promises, undermining the legitimacy of democracy and putting constitutionalism and governance in crisis.

The event addressed several key thematic areas, including the development of a theory of African constitutionalism, examining the historical context of constitutionalism and nation-building, and integrating decolonisation within constitutional theory. Discussions also covered human rights and constitutionalism, the establishment of institutions to secure democracy, how effective dictators think, and the use of constitutional petitions as tools to entrench constitutionalism. Additionally, the role of elections and electoral processes in a constitutional democracy was explored, along with the impact of undemocratic changes of government on the principles of constitutionalism.

Valuable insights on African constitutionalism

Frontline constitutional scholars of African descent and colleagues from around the world brought the latest knowledge and valuable insights into African constitutionalism.

Dr Gerard Kamga, Division Coordinator: Research and Postgraduate Programmes in the Free State Centre for Human Rights and Programme Director for Research and Postgraduate Studies in the Faculty of Law, delivered three sessions. The first two sessions explored The Mechanics of (Un)Constitutional Power Transfer in Postcolonial Africa: the case of Françafrique. Dr Kamga’s third session addressed Currency, Constitutionalism, and Sovereignty. On the second day, Prof Charles Fombad, Professor of Law and Director of the Institute for International and Comparative Law in Africa at the University of Pretoria, presented on Towards a Theory of African Constitutionalism. Prof Danie Brand, Director of the Centre for Human Rights and acting Judge of the High Court of South Africa, contributed a presentation on Constitutionalism and Transformation in Africa.

Motshabi himself led sessions on Confronting the Past: Constitutionalism and the Making of a Nation State and Decolonisation and Constitutional Theory. From beyond South African borders, Prof Azubike Onuora-Oguno, Associate Professor in the Faculty of Law at the University of Ilorin and a solicitor and advocate of the Nigerian Supreme Court, discussed Human Rights and Constitutionalism. Oyieke covered How to be a dictator, which analysed how effective dictators think and undermine constitutional democracy. Prof Wahab Egbewole, Professor in the Faculty of Law and Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ilorin, as well as senior advocate in the Nigerian Supreme Court, spoke on Unconstitutional Change of Government. Prof Tameshnie Deane, Vice-Dean: Research and Postgraduate Studies of the UFS Faculty of Law, delivered the final session on Constitutional Petitions as a Tool for Entrenching Democracy.

Democratic governance on the continent

Motshabi concluded that the one-week course aimed to fill an important gap by offering participants the chance to acquire the latest knowledge and information on African constitutionalism. The course provided an analytical and critical appraisal of current issues and the unique opportunity to conceptualise solutions while practising the art of networking. By developing a collaborative environment, the winter school not only highlighted the progress and failures of the past decades, but also encouraged the development of innovative solutions tailored to Africa's unique circumstances. This initiative marks a significant step towards building a strong and dependable system for democratic governance on the continent.

News Archive

Protection of Information bill- opinions from our experts
2011-11-28

Prof. Hussein Solomon
Senior Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Free State. 

In recent years, given their failure to effectively govern, the ANC has become increasingly defensive. These defensive traits have become particularly acute in light of the various corruption scandals that members of the ruling party involve themselves in.
 
Given the fact that for now they are assured of an electoral majority (largely on account of their anti-apartheid credentials), coupled with the fact that they have managed to make parliament a rubber stamp of the executive as opposed to holding the executive accountable, it is the media which has increasingly held the ruling party to account by exposing such corruption and incompetence in government.
 
The passing of the information bill, therefore, is not merely an attack on the media, but an attack on the pivotal issue of accountability. Without accountability, there can be no democracy.
 
By defining national interest broadly, by refusing to accept a public interest clause in the bill, the ANC increasingly shows its disdain to South Africa's constitution and its citizens.
 
More importantly, as former Minister of Intelligence and ANC stalwart Ronnie Kasrils pointedly makes clear, the ANC is also betraying its own noble struggle against the odious apartheid regime. It was the media which played a key role in exposing apartheid's excesses, it is the same media which is coming under attack by the heirs of PW Botha's State Security Council - Minister of State Security Siyabong Cwele and his security apparatchiks whose mindsets reflect more Stalin's Gulag's than the values of the Freedom Charter.
 
The passing of this bill is also taking place at a time when journalists have had their phones attacked, where the judiciary has been deliberately undermined and parliament silenced.
 
Democrats beware!

 
Prof. Johann de Wet
Chairperson: Department of Communication Science 
 
The ANC’s insistence on passing the Protection of State Information Bill in its current form and enforcing it by law, means that the essence of our democratic state and the quality of life of every citizen is at stake.
 
Yes, our freedom as academics, researchers, mass media practitioners and citizens comes into play. Freedom implies the right to choose and is, along with equality, an underlying principle which helps make democracy happen. While the South African state needs to protect (classify) information which could threaten its security and/or survival, the omission of a public interest clause in the Bill at this stage effectively denies a citizen the right to freedom of information.
 
 Freedom of information, along with press freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of association and religious freedom, are essential to democracy. These freedoms are granted because they conform to basic liberal ideas associated with (Western) democracy and which resonate with South Africa’s liberal constitution, such as (1) belief in the supreme value of the individual (and thus not of the state); (2) belief that the individual has natural rights (rights which belong to all human beings by nature – such as the right to life and to control government)) which exist independently of government, and which ought to be protected by and against government; and (3) recognition of the supreme value of the individual. 
 
One wonders how many cases of South African government corruption and mismanagement would have been uncovered by investigative journalists over the past number of years if this Bill in its current form was on the statute books. This Bill represents a backward step from the promise of democracy of having an informed public. The former National Party government had similar laws in place and one does not want to go there again. The infamous Information Scandal in South Africa of some thirty years ago, or Muldergate as it has come to be known, reminds one of what governments can do when it works clandestinely.
 
What South Africans need, is more information on what government structures are doing and how they are doing it with taxpayers’ money, not less information. While information in itself does not equal communication or dialogue, it is an indispensable part thereof, and the need for dialogue based on verifiable information is urgent for meeting vexed challenges facing South African communities. Academics in all fields of specialisation are constantly in need of untainted information to pursue answers and/or offer solutions to where South Africa should be moving in all spheres of life.

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