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03 March 2025 Photo Supplied
Dr Harlan Cloete
Dr Harlan Cloete is an engaged scholar and research fellow in the Centre for Gender and Africa Studies at the UFS.

Opinion article by Dr Harlan Cloete, Centre for Gender and Africa Studies, University of the Free State.
 President Cyril Ramaphosa delivered the State of the Nation Address (SONA) as the first president without an ANC majority in Parliament. He addressed several critical issues, committing his Government of National Unity (GNU) departments to take decisive action to tackle the persistent challenges of unemployment, poverty, and inequality. The strategy involves prioritising inclusive growth, job creation, poverty alleviation, and building a capable, ethical, and developmental state. Additionally, the president emphasised the need for national dialogue and pledged to reform local governance through a review of the 1998 White Paper on Local Government.

The current White Paper defines developmental local government as a system committed to working with citizens and community groups to find sustainable ways to meet social, economic, and material needs while enhancing the quality of life. It emphasises targeting marginalised and excluded groups within communities, such as women, people with disabilities, and those living in extreme poverty. Highlighting the central role of local government, South African Local Government Association (Salga) president Bheki Stofile noted that local governments are responsible for delivering 46% of public services, including water supply, electricity, sanitation, and refuse removal, yet receive only 10% of national revenue. At the same time, municipalities have accumulated a staggering total debt of R386.5 billion and owe creditors R117.5 billion.

To say that local government is in crisis would be an understatement. The 30-year government review reveals that economic, political, spatial, and institutional disparities hinder municipalities’ ability to deliver services. An estimated 29% of municipalities are on the verge of operational collapse, pointing to systemic dysfunction rooted in governance failures and limited capacity. Research conducted by the Centre for Gender and Africa Studies at the University of the Free State in partnership with the Local Government Seta over the past three years confirms the poor state of knowledge management, the lack of evidence-based human resource development practices, persistent barriers facing women in local government, and challenges in implementing the Municipal Staff Regulations. Simply increasing fiscal allocations to local government without addressing the root causes of these failures would be like pouring money down the drain.

The case for local dialogues

Any conversation about building a capable state must begin with functional, ethical, and developmental local governance. This requires shifting from a national dialogue to local dialogues that can feed into a national dialogue. For the past 25 years, local governments have produced five-year Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) in partnership with communities, yet the outcomes have been disappointing. We have failed to transform data into actionable knowledge that can tackle challenges in a participatory manner. The marginalised and poor have become passive spectators in a system meant to empower them. They lack agency and have lost confidence in local government and the ward committee system, which was designed to be the functional backbone of participatory democracy. Meanwhile, the middle class, equipped with agency and resources, has become increasingly disengaged. What we are witnessing is a form of “wicked compliance” — a tick-box approach to democracy that echoes the late Malcolm X’s critique: “We do not have a democracy... we have hypocrisy.”

To move beyond this, the local government review must be accompanied by local dialogues, led by community members, businesses, academia, and local government, as envisioned in the National Development Plan (NDP). However, these dialogues should not be led by local government but rather by the collective. This represents a shift from traditional government (top-down) to governance (co-created), as advocated by sociologist Francois Theron. Such co-created spaces allow communities to craft pragmatic future visions and strategise from the future backward. These dialogues should encourage genuine and innovative conversations about the future, positioning local government as a co-creator and collaborator, rather than simply another participant in a talk shop.

Framework for future-focused local dialogues

A future-focused local dialogue should be addressed using the Governance 5iQ framework that asks five fundamental governance questions:

1. Why do we do what we do? (Vision)
2. How do we do what we do? (Mission)
3. How do we know we are on track? (Monitoring and Evaluation)
4. What do we do if we are not on track? (Consequence Management)

5. How do we lead and learn? (Knowledge Management)

For local governance to be effective, policies must be implemented by committed, competent, and caring individuals. Additionally, policies should be reviewed to assess whether they create opportunities for the poor and the youth. If local economic development is to succeed, then supply chain processes must be aligned with developmental objectives. A valuable case study is Daleel Jacobs, Supply Chain Manager at Stellenbosch Municipality, whose master’s thesis demonstrates innovative ways to fulfil the spirit of the law while delivering tangible outcomes.

Addressing political interference and embracing digital transformation

Research conducted across 32 municipalities in all nine provinces reveals that political interference is a significant barrier to effective implementation. Politicians are frequently accused of meddling, overstepping their boundaries, and lacking both insight and foresight. As coalitions become more common post-2026 elections, political parties must adopt transparent candidate-vetting processes. The Coalition Bill could provide much-needed stability by introducing an executive committee system where power is proportionally distributed in the absence of a majority party. Moreover, local governments must leverage digital transformation. In August 2024, the government launched the National Artificial Intelligence Policy Framework. Local governments should harness AI tools to enhance efficiency and effectiveness. Following the example of the University of Kehl in Germany, which introduced a degree in Digital Public Management five years ago, South African institutions should also prepare the next generation of public managers for a digital future.

Leading into the future

South Africa's vibrant democracy is mirrored by the volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity that characterise local governance. Leaders are tasked with bringing clarity and certainty, eliminating contradictions, and fostering a compelling vision of the future. However, crafting a vision is not enough; we must actively work towards and embody this preferred future.

The president may deliver the SONA, but the true state of the nation depends on all of us. By prioritising local dialogues and a collaborative governance model, we can lay the foundation for sustainable local governance that truly serves the people.

News Archive

There’s more to media freedom than the Secrecy Bill
2012-05-04

4 May 2012

 “Media freedom is a universal human right. It cannot be abolished, but it should be managed.” The freedom of the media is protected by numerous formal documents, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the South African Constitution, and is commemorated annually with the celebration of World Press Freedom Day.

 “As long as those in power have something to hide, media freedom will be under threat. This is a war that takes place on many fronts,” says Ms Willemien Marais, a journalism lecturer at the Department of Communication Science at the University of the Free State (UFS).

“On the one hand we have to take a stand against institutional threats such as the proposed Protection of State Information Bill. This is diametrically opposed to everything that media freedom and freedom of expression encapsulates.

“But on the other hand we also need to educate and transform our society. It is not only up to journalists to defend media freedom. Newspaper reports on the public hearings on this Bill earlier this year proved that ignorance concerning media freedom is a big threat. The lack of resistance against the Secrecy Bill from the general population clearly illustrates that people aren’t aware of what they are about to lose.”

 Ms Marais says the rise of social media and the accompanying awareness of individual freedom of expression have paved the way for more people to exercise this right. “The role of social media in the Arab Spring has been highlighted numerous times. The power of social media is undeniable – but alas, so is the lack of access to especially social media. We can only increase media literacy if we increase people’s access to the media – new and traditional.”

A high level of media literacy is also vital following last month’s recommendation by the Press Freedom Commission of a system of independent co-regulation for South Africa’s print media. This system proposes replacing government regulation with a panel consisting of representatives from the print industry as well as members of the general public. “It is abundantly clear that this system can only work if those members of the general public are media literate and understand the role of media freedom in protecting democracy.”

“The media is not a sentient being – it consists of and is run by people, and human beings are fallible. Protecting media freedom does not only mean fighting institutional threats. It also means increasing media literacy by educating people. And it means owning up to your mistakes, and correcting it.” 

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