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03 March 2025 Photo Supplied
Dr Harlan Cloete
Dr Harlan Cloete is an engaged scholar and research fellow in the Centre for Gender and Africa Studies at the UFS.

Opinion article by Dr Harlan Cloete, Centre for Gender and Africa Studies, University of the Free State.
 President Cyril Ramaphosa delivered the State of the Nation Address (SONA) as the first president without an ANC majority in Parliament. He addressed several critical issues, committing his Government of National Unity (GNU) departments to take decisive action to tackle the persistent challenges of unemployment, poverty, and inequality. The strategy involves prioritising inclusive growth, job creation, poverty alleviation, and building a capable, ethical, and developmental state. Additionally, the president emphasised the need for national dialogue and pledged to reform local governance through a review of the 1998 White Paper on Local Government.

The current White Paper defines developmental local government as a system committed to working with citizens and community groups to find sustainable ways to meet social, economic, and material needs while enhancing the quality of life. It emphasises targeting marginalised and excluded groups within communities, such as women, people with disabilities, and those living in extreme poverty. Highlighting the central role of local government, South African Local Government Association (Salga) president Bheki Stofile noted that local governments are responsible for delivering 46% of public services, including water supply, electricity, sanitation, and refuse removal, yet receive only 10% of national revenue. At the same time, municipalities have accumulated a staggering total debt of R386.5 billion and owe creditors R117.5 billion.

To say that local government is in crisis would be an understatement. The 30-year government review reveals that economic, political, spatial, and institutional disparities hinder municipalities’ ability to deliver services. An estimated 29% of municipalities are on the verge of operational collapse, pointing to systemic dysfunction rooted in governance failures and limited capacity. Research conducted by the Centre for Gender and Africa Studies at the University of the Free State in partnership with the Local Government Seta over the past three years confirms the poor state of knowledge management, the lack of evidence-based human resource development practices, persistent barriers facing women in local government, and challenges in implementing the Municipal Staff Regulations. Simply increasing fiscal allocations to local government without addressing the root causes of these failures would be like pouring money down the drain.

The case for local dialogues

Any conversation about building a capable state must begin with functional, ethical, and developmental local governance. This requires shifting from a national dialogue to local dialogues that can feed into a national dialogue. For the past 25 years, local governments have produced five-year Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) in partnership with communities, yet the outcomes have been disappointing. We have failed to transform data into actionable knowledge that can tackle challenges in a participatory manner. The marginalised and poor have become passive spectators in a system meant to empower them. They lack agency and have lost confidence in local government and the ward committee system, which was designed to be the functional backbone of participatory democracy. Meanwhile, the middle class, equipped with agency and resources, has become increasingly disengaged. What we are witnessing is a form of “wicked compliance” — a tick-box approach to democracy that echoes the late Malcolm X’s critique: “We do not have a democracy... we have hypocrisy.”

To move beyond this, the local government review must be accompanied by local dialogues, led by community members, businesses, academia, and local government, as envisioned in the National Development Plan (NDP). However, these dialogues should not be led by local government but rather by the collective. This represents a shift from traditional government (top-down) to governance (co-created), as advocated by sociologist Francois Theron. Such co-created spaces allow communities to craft pragmatic future visions and strategise from the future backward. These dialogues should encourage genuine and innovative conversations about the future, positioning local government as a co-creator and collaborator, rather than simply another participant in a talk shop.

Framework for future-focused local dialogues

A future-focused local dialogue should be addressed using the Governance 5iQ framework that asks five fundamental governance questions:

1. Why do we do what we do? (Vision)
2. How do we do what we do? (Mission)
3. How do we know we are on track? (Monitoring and Evaluation)
4. What do we do if we are not on track? (Consequence Management)

5. How do we lead and learn? (Knowledge Management)

For local governance to be effective, policies must be implemented by committed, competent, and caring individuals. Additionally, policies should be reviewed to assess whether they create opportunities for the poor and the youth. If local economic development is to succeed, then supply chain processes must be aligned with developmental objectives. A valuable case study is Daleel Jacobs, Supply Chain Manager at Stellenbosch Municipality, whose master’s thesis demonstrates innovative ways to fulfil the spirit of the law while delivering tangible outcomes.

Addressing political interference and embracing digital transformation

Research conducted across 32 municipalities in all nine provinces reveals that political interference is a significant barrier to effective implementation. Politicians are frequently accused of meddling, overstepping their boundaries, and lacking both insight and foresight. As coalitions become more common post-2026 elections, political parties must adopt transparent candidate-vetting processes. The Coalition Bill could provide much-needed stability by introducing an executive committee system where power is proportionally distributed in the absence of a majority party. Moreover, local governments must leverage digital transformation. In August 2024, the government launched the National Artificial Intelligence Policy Framework. Local governments should harness AI tools to enhance efficiency and effectiveness. Following the example of the University of Kehl in Germany, which introduced a degree in Digital Public Management five years ago, South African institutions should also prepare the next generation of public managers for a digital future.

Leading into the future

South Africa's vibrant democracy is mirrored by the volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity that characterise local governance. Leaders are tasked with bringing clarity and certainty, eliminating contradictions, and fostering a compelling vision of the future. However, crafting a vision is not enough; we must actively work towards and embody this preferred future.

The president may deliver the SONA, but the true state of the nation depends on all of us. By prioritising local dialogues and a collaborative governance model, we can lay the foundation for sustainable local governance that truly serves the people.

News Archive

Academic delivers inaugural lecture on South African foreign policy
2007-08-06

 

In her inaugural lecture Prof. Heidi Hudson from the Department of Political Sciences, focused on the impact that Pan-Africanist sentiments have had on South Africa’s foreign policy. She also put the resulting contradictions and ambiguities into context. At her inaugural lecture were, from the left: Proff. Frederick Fourie (Rector and Vice-Chancellor of the UFS), Heidi Hudson, Engela Pretorius (Vice-Dean: Faculty of The Humanities) and Daan Wessels (Research Associate in the Department of Political Science).
Photo: Stephen Collett

Academic delivers inaugural lecture on South African foreign policy

“We are committed to full participation as an equal partner … opposed to any efforts which might seek to project South Africa as some kind of superpower on our continent. … the people of Africa share a common destiny and must therefore … address their challenges … as a united force...” (Mbeki 1998:198-199).

Prof. Heidi Hudson from the Department of Political Science referred to this statement made by president Mbeki (made at the opening of the OAU Conference of Ministers of Information in 1995) when she delivered her inaugural lecture on the topic: South African foreign policy: The politics of Pan-Africanism and pragmatism.

One of the questions she asked is: “Can the South African state deliver democracy and welfare at home while simultaneously creating a stable, rules-based African community?”

She answers: “South Africa needs to reflect more critically and honestly on the dualism inherent in its ideological assumptions regarding relations with Africa. South Africa will always be expected by some to play a leadership role in Africa. At the moment, South Africa’s desire to be liked is hampering its role as leader of the continent.”

In her lecture she highlighted the ideological underpinnings and manifestations of South Africa’s foreign policy. Throughout she alluded to the risks associated with single-mindedly following an ideologically driven foreign policy. She emphasised that domestic or national interests are the victims in this process.

Prof. Hudson offers three broad options for South Africa to consider:

  • The Predator – the selfish bully promoting South African economic interest.
  • Mr Nice Guy – the non-hegemonic partner of the African boys club, multilaterally pursuing a pivotal but not dominant role.
  • The Hegemon - South Africa driving regional integration according to its values and favouring some African countries over others, and with checks and balances by civil society.

She chooses option three of hegemony. “Politically correct research views hegemony as bad and partnership as good. This is a romanticised notion – the two are not mutually exclusive,” she said.

However, she states that there have to be prerequisites to control the exercise of power. “The promotion of a counter-hegemon, such as Nigeria, is necessary. Nigeria has been more effective in some respects than South Africa in establishing its leadership, particularly in West Africa. Also needed is that government should be checked by civil society to avoid it sinking into authoritarianism. The case of business and labour coming to an agreement over the HIV/Aids issue is a positive example which illustrates that government cannot ignore civil society. But much more needs to be done in this regard. South Africa must also be very careful in how it uses its aid and should focus potential aid and development projects more explicitly in terms of promoting political stability,” she said.

Prof. Hudson said: “It is also questionable whether Mbeki’s Afro-centrism has in fact promoted the interests of ordinary citizens across Africa. Instead, elite interests in some countries have benefited. But ultimately, the single most important cost is the damage done to the moral code and ethical principles on which the South African Constitution and democracy is founded.

“In the end we all lose out. More pragmatism and less ideology in our relations within Africa may just be what are needed,” she said.

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