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Dr Harlan Cloete
Dr Harlan Cloete is an engaged scholar and research fellow in the Centre for Gender and Africa Studies at the UFS.

Opinion article by Dr Harlan Cloete, Centre for Gender and Africa Studies, University of the Free State.
 President Cyril Ramaphosa delivered the State of the Nation Address (SONA) as the first president without an ANC majority in Parliament. He addressed several critical issues, committing his Government of National Unity (GNU) departments to take decisive action to tackle the persistent challenges of unemployment, poverty, and inequality. The strategy involves prioritising inclusive growth, job creation, poverty alleviation, and building a capable, ethical, and developmental state. Additionally, the president emphasised the need for national dialogue and pledged to reform local governance through a review of the 1998 White Paper on Local Government.

The current White Paper defines developmental local government as a system committed to working with citizens and community groups to find sustainable ways to meet social, economic, and material needs while enhancing the quality of life. It emphasises targeting marginalised and excluded groups within communities, such as women, people with disabilities, and those living in extreme poverty. Highlighting the central role of local government, South African Local Government Association (Salga) president Bheki Stofile noted that local governments are responsible for delivering 46% of public services, including water supply, electricity, sanitation, and refuse removal, yet receive only 10% of national revenue. At the same time, municipalities have accumulated a staggering total debt of R386.5 billion and owe creditors R117.5 billion.

To say that local government is in crisis would be an understatement. The 30-year government review reveals that economic, political, spatial, and institutional disparities hinder municipalities’ ability to deliver services. An estimated 29% of municipalities are on the verge of operational collapse, pointing to systemic dysfunction rooted in governance failures and limited capacity. Research conducted by the Centre for Gender and Africa Studies at the University of the Free State in partnership with the Local Government Seta over the past three years confirms the poor state of knowledge management, the lack of evidence-based human resource development practices, persistent barriers facing women in local government, and challenges in implementing the Municipal Staff Regulations. Simply increasing fiscal allocations to local government without addressing the root causes of these failures would be like pouring money down the drain.

The case for local dialogues

Any conversation about building a capable state must begin with functional, ethical, and developmental local governance. This requires shifting from a national dialogue to local dialogues that can feed into a national dialogue. For the past 25 years, local governments have produced five-year Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) in partnership with communities, yet the outcomes have been disappointing. We have failed to transform data into actionable knowledge that can tackle challenges in a participatory manner. The marginalised and poor have become passive spectators in a system meant to empower them. They lack agency and have lost confidence in local government and the ward committee system, which was designed to be the functional backbone of participatory democracy. Meanwhile, the middle class, equipped with agency and resources, has become increasingly disengaged. What we are witnessing is a form of “wicked compliance” — a tick-box approach to democracy that echoes the late Malcolm X’s critique: “We do not have a democracy... we have hypocrisy.”

To move beyond this, the local government review must be accompanied by local dialogues, led by community members, businesses, academia, and local government, as envisioned in the National Development Plan (NDP). However, these dialogues should not be led by local government but rather by the collective. This represents a shift from traditional government (top-down) to governance (co-created), as advocated by sociologist Francois Theron. Such co-created spaces allow communities to craft pragmatic future visions and strategise from the future backward. These dialogues should encourage genuine and innovative conversations about the future, positioning local government as a co-creator and collaborator, rather than simply another participant in a talk shop.

Framework for future-focused local dialogues

A future-focused local dialogue should be addressed using the Governance 5iQ framework that asks five fundamental governance questions:

1. Why do we do what we do? (Vision)
2. How do we do what we do? (Mission)
3. How do we know we are on track? (Monitoring and Evaluation)
4. What do we do if we are not on track? (Consequence Management)

5. How do we lead and learn? (Knowledge Management)

For local governance to be effective, policies must be implemented by committed, competent, and caring individuals. Additionally, policies should be reviewed to assess whether they create opportunities for the poor and the youth. If local economic development is to succeed, then supply chain processes must be aligned with developmental objectives. A valuable case study is Daleel Jacobs, Supply Chain Manager at Stellenbosch Municipality, whose master’s thesis demonstrates innovative ways to fulfil the spirit of the law while delivering tangible outcomes.

Addressing political interference and embracing digital transformation

Research conducted across 32 municipalities in all nine provinces reveals that political interference is a significant barrier to effective implementation. Politicians are frequently accused of meddling, overstepping their boundaries, and lacking both insight and foresight. As coalitions become more common post-2026 elections, political parties must adopt transparent candidate-vetting processes. The Coalition Bill could provide much-needed stability by introducing an executive committee system where power is proportionally distributed in the absence of a majority party. Moreover, local governments must leverage digital transformation. In August 2024, the government launched the National Artificial Intelligence Policy Framework. Local governments should harness AI tools to enhance efficiency and effectiveness. Following the example of the University of Kehl in Germany, which introduced a degree in Digital Public Management five years ago, South African institutions should also prepare the next generation of public managers for a digital future.

Leading into the future

South Africa's vibrant democracy is mirrored by the volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity that characterise local governance. Leaders are tasked with bringing clarity and certainty, eliminating contradictions, and fostering a compelling vision of the future. However, crafting a vision is not enough; we must actively work towards and embody this preferred future.

The president may deliver the SONA, but the true state of the nation depends on all of us. By prioritising local dialogues and a collaborative governance model, we can lay the foundation for sustainable local governance that truly serves the people.

News Archive

You touch a woman, you strike a rock
2004-11-02

Prof. Engela Pretorius van die Departement Sosiologie in die Fakulteit Geesteswetenskappe by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het die kwessie omtrent feminisme aangespreek tydens haar intreerede met die onderwerp, You touch a woman, you strike a rock: Feminism(s) and emancipation in South Africa .

Prof. Pretorius het gesê: “Die geskiedenis van feminisme oor die algemeen kan in drie fases verdeel word, waarna verwys word as golwe. Eerste-golf-feminisme (19de eeu) het die fokus geplaas op die beskerming van vroueregte in die openbare terrein, spesifiek die reg om te stem, die reg tot onderrig en die reg om middelklas beroepe en professies te betreë.

Vroeë tweede-golf-feminisme word onthou vir hoe dit moederskap geteoretiseer het as synde ‘n onderdrukkende instelling. Slagspreuke van die 1970s was die persoonlike is polities en susterskap is magtig. Prof. Pretorius sê beide slagspreuke bevestig die idee dat vroue universeel onderdruk en uitgebuit word en slegs deur erkenning van dié situasie kan vroue die strukture wat hul onderdruk verander.

‘n Belangrike aspek van die derde golf van die feminisme-teorie is post-moderne feminisme wat diversiteit en verskille onderstreep. Die poging van hierdie feministe is afgestem op alle vorme van onderdrukking. Vroue van kleur het ook hul ontevredenheid uitgespreek gedurende die derde-golf-feminisme. Die feminisme van vroue van kleur word gekenmerk deur verskeie kwessies en talryke intellektuele standpuntinnames wat neerslaga vind in verskillende terme, soos Afrika feminisme of ‘womanism, sê prof. Pretorius.

Afrika-feminisme dui protes aan teen die wit/westerse geskiedenis en die wit/westerse dominansie binne feminisme. Afrika-vroue het besef dat hul onderdrukking verskillend is van dié van wit vroue en daarom is ‘n ander proses van bevryding nodig. Die Westerse feministiese praktyk om swart vroue by die bestaande feministiese ontologie te voeg, is nie voldoende nie omdat hul unieke ondervindings van slawerny, kolonialisme, onderdrukking deur mans en armoede nie uitgedruk word nie.

‘Womanism’ het tot stand gekom as gevolg van ‘n eksplisiete rassekritiek teen feminisme. Dit is ten gunste van die positiewe uitbeelding van swart mense. Dit word gekenmerk deur kulturele kontekstualisasie, die sentraliteit van die gesin en die belangrikheid daarvan om mans in te sluit.

Die geskiedenis van vroue in Suid-Afrika is verwant aan hul geskiedenis van onderdrukking as gevolg van patriargie. Vroue van verskillende rasse, kulture en klasse het patriargie op verskillende wyses in en variërende mate van erns ervaar. Onder voor-koloniale patriargie het vroue min sê gehad oor huwelikskeuses omdat mans dié besluite gedomineer het.

Die Nederlandse en Britse patriargale erfenis het neerslag gevind in die ideologie van die volksmoeder. Onderwyl dit veral manlike skrywers was wat die beeld van die vrou as versorger en tuisteskepper bevorder het, het vroue self ook hieraan ‘n aandeel gehad, sodat die volksmoeder volwaardig deel geword het van die Afrikaner nasionalistiese mitologie. Alhoewel middel- en werkersklas vroue met dié beeld geïdentifiseer het, het nie alle Afrikaanse vroue die ideologie aanvaar nie.

Onder die Victoriaanse erfenis was Britse vroue beperk to die private eerder as die openbare lewe. Die skeefgetrekte onderrigsisteem wat vroue in huishoudelike loopbane gekanaliseer het, die mag van mans oor hul vroue se eiendom en ‘n tekort aan toegang tot mag en geld het verseker dat vroue by die huis gebly het.

Wit Engelssprekende-vroue het die grootste geleentheid gehad om patriargie uit te daag vanweë hul toegang tot onderwys en die blootstelling aan liberale waardes, sê prof. Pretorius. Liberale vroue soos Helen Joseph en Helen Suzman het ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om in 1930 stemreg vir wit vroue in Suid-Afrika te verseker en het voortgegaan om ‘n rol te speel in die bevryding van swart vroue gedurende die vryheidstryd.

Die feminisme wat onder swart vroue ontwikkel het, was ‘n erkenning van die gemeenskaplike stryd met swart mans om die verwydering van die juk van eksterne onderdrukking en eksploitasie. Swart vroue in aktiewe en onafhanlike politiese rolle het tegelykertyd mans se aannames omtrent hul meerderwaardigheid asook die rassewette van die staat uitgedaag. Daarom kan ons sê dat die feminisme wat hier ontwikkel het, te voorskyn gekom het as gevolg van vroue se betrokkenheid by en toewyding tot nasionale bevryding, sê prof. Pretorius.

Institusionalisering is nie herlei tot magsvoordele nie, want gelykheid is nie in beleidsprogramme geïnkorporeer nie. Die hervestiging van sleutel aktiviste van die vrouebeweging in die regering het die stryd om genderbillikheid verander na ‘n projek wat deur die regering gelei word, sê prof. Pretorius. Ongelukkig word terreine van verandering buite die grense van die regering verwaarloos. Dit kan slegs aangespreek word deur ‘n aktiewe en feministiese stem in die burgerlike samelewing.

“Dit is my oortuiging dat formele instellings vir vroue binne die staat oor die lang termyn slegs effektief kan wees indien daar ‘n effektiewe feministiese vroue-beweging buite die staat in stand gehou word wat die grondslag waarop sosiale beleid gevorm word, kan uitdaag en bevraagteken. Daarom, A luta continua (die stryd duur voort),” sê prof. Pretorius.

Mediaverklaring
Uitgereik deur: Lacea Loader
Mediaverteenwoordiger
Tel: (051) 401-2584
Sel: 083 645 2454
E-pos: loaderl.stg@mail.uovs.ac.za
2 November 2004

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